essay on young people's problems

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• 07 October 2021

Young people’s mental health is finally getting the attention it needs

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A kite-flying festival in a refugee camp near Syria’s border with Turkey. The event was organized in July 2020 to support the health and well-being of children fleeing violence in Syria. Credit: Muhammed Said/Anadolu Agency/Getty

Worldwide, at least 13% of people between the ages of 10 and 19 live with a diagnosed mental-health disorder, according to the latest State of the World’s Children report , published this week by the United Nations children’s charity UNICEF. It’s the first time in the organization’s history that this flagship report has tackled the challenges in and opportunities for preventing and treating mental-health problems among young people. It reveals that adolescent mental health is highly complex, understudied — and underfunded. These findings are echoed in a parallel collection of review articles published this week in a number of Springer Nature journals.

Anxiety and depression constitute more than 40% of mental-health disorders among young people (those aged 10–19). UNICEF also reports that, worldwide, suicide is the fourth most-common cause of death (after road injuries, tuberculosis and interpersonal violence) among adolescents (aged 15–19). In eastern Europe and central Asia, suicide is the leading cause of death for young people in that age group — and it’s the second-highest cause in western Europe and North America.

Collection: Promoting youth mental health

Sadly, psychological distress among young people seems to be rising. One study found that rates of depression among a nationally representative sample of US adolescents (aged 12 to 17) increased from 8.5% of young adults to 13.2% between 2005 and 2017 1 . There’s also initial evidence that the coronavirus pandemic is exacerbating this trend in some countries. For example, in a nationwide study 2 from Iceland, adolescents (aged 13–18) reported significantly more symptoms of mental ill health during the pandemic than did their peers before it. And girls were more likely to experience these symptoms than were boys.

Although most mental-health disorders arise during adolescence, UNICEF says that only one-third of investment in mental-health research is targeted towards young people. Moreover, the research itself suffers from fragmentation — scientists involved tend to work inside some key disciplines, such as psychiatry, paediatrics, psychology and epidemiology, and the links between research and health-care services are often poor. This means that effective forms of prevention and treatment are limited, and lack a solid understanding of what works, in which context and why.

This week’s collection of review articles dives deep into the state of knowledge of interventions — those that work and those that don’t — for preventing and treating anxiety and depression in young people aged 14–24. In some of the projects, young people with lived experience of anxiety and depression were co-investigators, involved in both the design and implementation of the reviews, as well as in interpretation of the findings.

Quest for new therapies

Worldwide, the most common treatment for anxiety and depression is a class of drug called selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors, which increase serotonin levels in the brain and are intended to enhance emotion and mood. But their modest efficacy and substantial side effects 3 have spurred the study of alternative physiological mechanisms that could be involved in youth depression and anxiety, so that new therapeutics can be developed.

Mental health: build predictive models to steer policy

For example, researchers have been investigating potential links between depression and inflammatory disorders — such as asthma, cardiovascular disease and inflammatory bowel disease. This is because, in many cases, adults with depression also experience such disorders. Moreover, there’s evidence that, in mice, changes to the gut microbiota during development reduce behaviours similar to those linked to anxiety and depression in people 4 . That suggests that targeting the gut microbiome during adolescence could be a promising avenue for reducing anxiety in young people. Kathrin Cohen Kadosh at the University of Surrey in Guildford, UK, and colleagues reviewed existing reports of interventions in which diets were changed to target the gut microbiome. These were found to have had minimal effect on youth anxiety 5 . However, the authors urge caution before such a conclusion can be confirmed, citing methodological limitations (including small sample sizes) among the studies they reviewed. They say the next crop of studies will need to involve larger-scale clinical trials.

By contrast, researchers have found that improving young people’s cognitive and interpersonal skills can be more effective in preventing and treating anxiety and depression under certain circumstances — although the reason for this is not known. For instance, a concept known as ‘decentring’ or ‘psychological distancing’ (that is, encouraging a person to adopt an objective perspective on negative thoughts and feelings) can help both to prevent and to alleviate depression and anxiety, report Marc Bennett at the University of Cambridge, UK, and colleagues 6 , although the underlying neurobiological mechanisms are unclear.

In addition, Alexander Daros at the Campbell Family Mental Health Institute in Toronto, Canada, and colleagues report a meta-analysis of 90 randomized controlled trials. They found that helping young people to improve their emotion-regulation skills, which are needed to control emotional responses to difficult situations, enables them to cope better with anxiety and depression 7 . However, it is still unclear whether better regulation of emotions is the cause or the effect of these improvements.

Co-production is essential

It’s uncommon — but increasingly seen as essential — that researchers working on treatments and interventions are directly involving young people who’ve experienced mental ill health. These young people need to be involved in all aspects of the research process, from conceptualizing to and designing a study, to conducting it and interpreting the results. Such an approach will lead to more-useful science, and will lessen the risk of developing irrelevant or inappropriate interventions.

Science careers and mental health

Two such young people are co-authors in a review from Karolin Krause at the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health in Toronto, Canada, and colleagues. The review explored whether training in problem solving helps to alleviate depressive symptoms 8 . The two youth partners, in turn, convened a panel of 12 other youth advisers, and together they provided input on shaping how the review of the evidence was carried out and on interpreting and contextualizing the findings. The study concluded that, although problem-solving training could help with personal challenges when combined with other treatments, it doesn’t on its own measurably reduce depressive symptoms.

The overarching message that emerges from these reviews is that there is no ‘silver bullet’ for preventing and treating anxiety and depression in young people — rather, prevention and treatment will need to rely on a combination of interventions that take into account individual needs and circumstances. Higher-quality evidence is also needed, such as large-scale trials using established protocols.

Along with the UNICEF report, the studies underscore the transformational part that funders must urgently play, and why researchers, clinicians and communities must work together on more studies that genuinely involve young people as co-investigators. Together, we can all do better to create a brighter, healthier future for a generation of young people facing more challenges than ever before.

Nature 598 , 235-236 (2021)

doi: https://doi.org/10.1038/d41586-021-02690-5

Twenge, J. M., Cooper, A. B., Joiner, T. E., Duffy, M. E. & Binau, S. G. J. Abnorm. Psychol. 128 , 185–199 (2019).

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Murray, E. et al. Brain Behav. Immun. 81 , 198–212 (2019).

Cohen Kadosh, K. et al. Transl. Psychiatr. 11 , 352 (2021).

Bennett, M. P. et al. Transl Psychiatr. 11 , 288 (2021).

Daros, A. R. et al. Nature Hum. Behav . https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-021-01191-9 (2021).

Krause, K. R. et al. BMC Psychiatr. 21 , 397 (2021).

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Lucy Warwick-Ching

Roula Khalaf, Editor of the FT, selects her favourite stories in this weekly newsletter.

A series of FT View editorials and daily online debates will make the case for a new deal for the young. Beginning on Monday 26 April, they will address housing, pensions, jobs, education, the climate and tax over the course of the week.  Click to register for the events and see all the other articles

Growing inequality between generations has been exacerbated by the pandemic and has left many people in their teens, twenties and thirties feeling like they have got a raw deal.

The Financial Times wanted to bring those young people into a discussion about shifts in asset prices, pensions, education and the world of work so we launched a global survey. We asked people aged between 16 and 35 to tell us what life has been like for them in the pandemic, and which problems need fixing most urgently.

The survey was only open for one week but we had a record number of responses, with 1,700 people replying to the callout and spending an average of 30 minutes each on their responses.

While the majority of respondents were from the UK and US, others who shared their views were from Europe, Brazil, Egypt, and Asia-Pacific. Many of the respondents, though not all, were graduates who worked in sectors such as law, banking, media, education, science and technology. Many did not want to share their full names or personal details for fear of professional and personal repercussions.

People spoke of the difficulties — and benefits — of being young in today’s difficult economic times compared with their parents’ generation, and about issues relating to housing, education, jobs, pensions and the environment.

The responses formed the starting point for an in-depth analysis of the problems faced by young people today by Sarah O’Connor, our employment columnist. It is the first article in an FT series on what policies would make the economy work better for today’s youth.

Here we highlight some of the many hundreds of comments we received from readers:

Cramped housing

I absolutely cannot relate to mid career professionals being glad to be at home in their leafy three bedroom houses with gardens, when I have to have mid afternoon calls with the sound of my flatmates frying fish for lunch in the background. — A 20-year-old female reader living in London

The burden of student loans

Student loans feel like a unique problem for our generation. I can’t think of a similarity in the past when youth had such large financial burdens that can’t be discharged in most cases. Not that cancellation is necessarily the right choice. I knew what I signed up for, but what was the alternative, work in a coffee shop while the rest of my generation bettered themselves?

Mortgages and car payments just aren’t comparable to the $100k in loans I’ve been forced to deal with since I was 22. The rest seems similar. We have climate change and equality, my parents generations had communist totalitarian governments, nuclear war and . . . equality. — Matt, who works in Chicago, US

Mismatched ideas

The older generation has never understood that while our pay has increased it has been wiped out by extortionate rise in property prices. The older generation also thinks young people only enjoy spending money on experiences rather than saving money, which is not true. — A 30-year-old engineer living in the UK

Living with uncertainty

Older generations don’t feel the uncertainty we younger generation live with. Now it is more common for us to have more temporary jobs, for example, the gig economy. This uncertainty makes planning for future harder and makes taking risks impossible. — Ahmed, a lecturer living in Egypt

Scrap stamp duty on housing

The government needs to sort out house prices and stop inflating them. It should also scrap stamp duty and introduce annual property taxes instead. — A 25-year-old investment banker living in London

Emotionally better off than my parents

I know I’ll be better off than my parents. My mom came from an Italian immigrant family with seven siblings. I’m one of the first people to graduate from college with a four-year degree and one of the only people employed. Neither of my parents really ‘did’ therapy through their adult lives despite needing it, whereas I’ve had a therapist since my second year in college.

I think a common misperception about being better off is the focus on wealth — being better off also means being more emotionally and mentally healthy, which I know I am already better off than many of my family members. — Alicia, a financial analyst living in America

London feels increasingly full of anxious, burnt out 20- and 30-something-year-olds who spend half their income on a cramped flat with a damp problem and spend their weekends in the foetal position on their landlord’s Ikea sofa, endlessly scrolling through the latest app.

We have so much more than our parents did at our age, but also so much less. — A 25-year-old woman from the UK

Artificially high property prices

Current policies like Help to Buy are making things worse for young people in Britain. The prices of new builds are artificially inflated as builders know HTB can only be used on new builds! £450,000 for a one bed flat in London? Jog on. It’s insane. — Chris, in his late twenties living in London

Gen X doesn’t understand Gen Y

Generation X, doesn’t understand Generation Y, who doesn’t understand Generation Z — Andreas, a young doctor from Bulgaria

Regulate financial markets

I also have a feeling that regulating the financial markets would create more stability which would reduce the constant fear of a market meltdown — Kasper from Finland

Who is accountable?

Sustainability (renewable energy, mindful meat consumption, plastic usage awareness, social responsibility, ESG) are utmost key, and older generations seem to miss this. It feels they have put us in a stage where there is no going back, and there is no accountability whatsoever. — Renato, a risk manager from Brazil

Soaring rents

Many items that are considered a luxury to older generations, holidays, clothes, going out to eat, for example, are cheaper these days, but buying a house or renting is so much more expensive compared to when my parents were young. A lot of young people can afford the former not the latter, but for many older generations it seems the opposite was true, which creates contrasting views from each side about who has it worse. — Sophie, in her mid-twenties, from London

Young vs old

A number of older people I know are relatively sympathetic to a lot of the issues we face. There is a young versus old narrative pushed by certain sections of the media which, at least for many older people with families, has rung hollow with me. Generally they do recognise that we live in a more competitive world than they grew up in, for university places, jobs, housing etc. If anything I feel older generations probably understand younger people better than we understand them — Alex, a student solicitor in London

Cannot afford to buy a house

There is no acceptance that working from home is not feasible for younger people where you’re in significantly smaller accommodation. My company released an internal communication informing us how to be more efficient working in shared accommodation or working from your bedroom at the same time as starting consultation on closing all offices and homeworking permanently. — Lewis, who is working and studying in Bristol, UK

I have a mildly dystopian view

I feel older generations don’t understand the value of money, and it feels strange because my parents have lived a frugal life and I am doing well enough for myself, yet, given the economy, I feel compelled to save, while they don’t understand why I think thrice before every purchase.

On the issue of non-renewable resources, I feel that my parents have a particularly different mindset compared to mine; I have a mild compulsion to turn off any running tap or switch if it’s not being used. They have this comfort and faith that there will be enough for the coming generations, while I have a mildly dystopian view of the future Water/Resource Wars — Pia, a woman in her twenties in India

Steep housing costs

At my age on an apprentice’s salary my dad owned his own house and was buying and flipping more houses. I’ve got a masters degree, earning about 40 per cent more than the national average and I’m still struggling to find anywhere. They just don’t seem to understand, my dad refused to believe me until I showed him the tiny studio flats selling in my area for almost £300k — A data scientist in his late twenties, working in the UK

My generation is worn out

In many ways I think I am better off than my parents were. I’ve been able to travel and live in different countries. I had more choices than women before me. Where I live, I can love whomever I want to love. I do not have a physical job that wears down my body. But I guess each generation faces different challenges.

My generation is perhaps more likely to be mentally worn out. Housing is less affordable and returns are relatively less certain and I don’t have a pension or a pensions saving account that is protected from double taxation. — Deborah from the Netherlands

Change the voting system

It is probably an unrealistic policy change, but I would like to see some kind of weighting system applied to future voting (be it elections or referendums). The older you are, the fewer years you have left to live and the less you will have to suffer from poor long-term choices.

Brexit is a good example of this. Foolish and impressionable members of the older generation selfishly voted to leave the EU — a decision which will cause long-term damage for my generation well after they are deceased. Older people’s votes should have counted for less in the referendum. — David, working in fintech in London

Introduce a ‘meat licence’

I would introduce a “meat license” which every adult in the UK would require before they purchase/consume meat. To get this license, once a year they would have to go to an abattoir and slaughter a cow or pig. Once they have done this, they are allowed to consume as much meat as they want during the year.

This would encourage others to switch to alternatives that are available or at least reduce meat waste which is a tragically growing issue in the rich world. — Dan, working in London, UK

Replace student fees

Instead of tuition fee loans and maintenance loans I would give all young people a lump sum at regular intervals for their first several years post 18. They could use this towards going to uni, getting training, buying a house, etc. It would help diversify the paths people take post 18 whilst redistributing wealth. — A man in his mid-twenties living in Sheffield, UK

*Comments have been edited for length, style and clarity

Feel free to join the conversation by sharing your thoughts and experiences in the comment section below.

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The FT wants to hear from graduates and other young people about their experiences of getting their careers off the ground in these uncertain times. Tell us about your experiences via a short survey .

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World Youth Report: Addressing the complex challenges facing young people today

Today, there are 1.2 billion young people aged 15 to 24 years, accounting for 16 per cent of the global population. The active engagement of youth in sustainable development efforts is central to achieving sustainable, inclusive and stable societies by the target date, and to averting the worst threats and challenges to sustainable development, including the impacts of climate change, unemployment, poverty, gender inequality, conflict, and migration.

The  World Youth Report  focuses on youth education and employment, and explores the complex challenges facing the largest generation of youth the world has ever seen.

The Report provides insight into the critical role of young people in the context of the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and related frameworks.

Advancing Youth Development

Far from being mere beneficiaries of the 2030 Agenda, young people have been active architects in its development and continue to be engaged in processes that support its implementation, follow-up and review. At the level of global policy, finance and measurement are major issues to be addressed as part of worldwide youth development efforts. At the national level, policy and programmatic responses to the Sustainable Development Goals have been slow and should be accelerated.

In education, 142 million youth of upper secondary age are out of school. In employment, 71 million young people are unemployed; and millions more are in precarious or informal work. Disparities within and between countries in education and employment among youth are stark, with gender, poverty, rurality, disability, and migrant/refugee status all being major elements of disadvantage. For instance, about 156 million youth in low- and middle-income countries are working poor (ILO), while almost 30 per cent of the poorest 12- to 14-year old have never attended school.

Evidence-based youth policies, tailored and adapted to national and local contexts, help ensure that youth development challenges are addressed. Key elements that help ensure an effective youth policy include providing political leadership and strategic vision; securing adequate budget and resource allocations; using timely and accurate data on the situation of young people; utilizing the knowledge, experience and expertise of young people in the design, implementation and evaluation of the youth policy; mainstreaming and integrating youth policies across sectors; taking into account the linkages and impacts of policy objectives; and developing a transparent monitoring and accountability framework.

The Report focuses primarily on the areas of education and employment, underlining the realization of targets under these Goals as fundamental to overall youth development. Issues related to other Goals—including gender equality, good health, reducing inequality, combating poverty and hunger, and action on environmental issues and climate change—are also addressed within the scope of the Report.

Source: https://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/blog/2019/02/world-youth-report/

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Mental Health Problems among Young People—A Scoping Review of Help-Seeking

Katrin häggström westberg.

1 School of Health and Welfare, Halmstad University, SE-301 18 Halmstad, Sweden; [email protected] (M.N.); [email protected] (J.M.N.); [email protected] (P.S.)

2 Affecta Psychiatric Clinic, Sperlingsgatan 5, SE-302 48 Halmstad, Sweden

Maria Nyholm

Jens m. nygren, petra svedberg, associated data.

Documentation on the database searches, the stepped screening process and the thematic analysis are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

Young people’s mental health is a public health priority, particularly as mental health problems in this group seem to be increasing. Even in countries with supposedly good access to healthcare, few young people seek support for mental health problems. The aim of this study was twofold, firstly to map the published literature on young people’s experiences of seeking help for mental health problems and secondly to validate whether the Lost in Space model was adaptable as a theoretical model of the help-seeking process described in the included articles in this scoping review. A scoping review was conducted in which we searched for literature on mental health help-seeking with a user perspective published between 2010 and 2020 in different databases. From the 2905 studies identified, we selected 12 articles for inclusion. The review showed how young people experience unfamiliarity and insecurity with regard to issues related to mental health and help-seeking. A strong wish for self-reliance and to safe-guard one’s own health were consistent among young people. Support structures were often regarded as inaccessible and unresponsive. There was a high level of conformity between the model on help-seeking and the analysed articles, reinforcing that help-seeking is a dynamic and psychosocial process.

1. Introduction

Young people’s mental health is a major public health issue. Mental health problems among young people contribute to impaired physical and mental health extending into adulthood [ 1 , 2 , 3 ]. Promoting young people’s mental health is an integral component in ensuring their development and improving health and social wellbeing across their lifespan [ 3 ]. In light of the high rate of mental health problems among this group, a corresponding high rate of help-seeking and use of support resources might be assumed; however, few young people actually seek and eventually access professional help. Delays in looking for help can be lengthy and are prevalent even in countries with good access to healthcare [ 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 ]. The process of searching for support involves barriers that relate to both individual and social context factors [ 8 , 10 ]. This contributes to the complexity involved in offering interventions to support them and highlights the need to understand the help-seeking process, whether online or in person, for young people with mental health problems.

Help-seeking is usually described as a rational, agency-based process where the individual plans, decides and acts on symptoms [ 11 ]. However, research also describes that help-seeking is not solely an individual act; rather, it is influenced by social factors throughout the process. Societal, organizational support structures set the limits and stipulate the opportunities to seek help [ 12 ]. Help-seeking thus depends both on factors at the individual level and structural resources for young people. Many studies that examine help-seeking for mental health among young people using cross-sectional designs on either the general community, or school populations [ 8 , 13 ] are based on descriptive data that is often generated through surveys, and focus on attitudes, rather than on experiences [ 14 ]. The main focus of previous literature has been on individual factors, such as mental health literacy, and less information can be found on the structural factors involved [ 8 , 13 ]. This calls for a deeper and more nuanced understanding of young people’s mental health help-seeking regarding contextual factors, with particular focus on their experiences and perspectives. An improved understanding of help-seeking for mental health problems can be used to improve practice and service delivery, and ultimately benefit young people’s mental health.

In this study, qualitative research exploring the help-seeking process in Sweden from the perspectives of young people with mental health problems was used as the theoretical point of departure [ 15 ]. Within this previous research, we produced a theoretical model of help-seeking, the Lost in Space model [ 15 ]. It showed how help-seeking was a long, non-sequential and dynamic process. In this research, young people described a process of moving in and out of the three help-seeking phases, Drifting, Navigating and Docking. Drifting was characterized by insecurity and unfamiliarity, with a lack of knowledge of mental health and the support system; Navigating was characterized by structural obstacles, a fragmented support system and wishes for help; while Docking was characterized by experiences of finding help. For the purpose of confirmability and usefulness, it is essential to validate and understand if the model can be applied to other settings and contexts—for example, whether the model is consistent with the experiences of help-seeking by young people in other countries. Therefore, the aim of this study was twofold, firstly to map the published literature on young people’s experiences of seeking help for mental health problems and secondly to validate whether the previously published Lost in Space model was adaptable as a theoretical model of the help-seeking process described in the included articles in this scoping review.

A scoping review was deemed the most preferable approach to responding to this broad area of interest [ 16 ]. Scoping reviews maintain a broad window for inclusion of studies of a range of types and levels of quality [ 17 ]. Our scoping review protocol was developed using the scoping review methodological framework proposed by Arksey and and O’Malley, entailing five framework stages. The framework was further developed by Levac, with a qualitative elaboration of the material [ 17 , 18 ]. These stages provide a clear sequential order in which to identify and collect studies, chart the data and report results, and the scoping review protocol was used for guiding the research.

2.1. Stage 1: Identifying the Research Question

A multidisciplinary research team with experience of health science research, including public health, nursing, and youth research was assembled to discuss and clarify the scope of inquiry and identify research questions. The target population of interest was defined as young people (ages 11–25) with experience of mental health problems, and experience of help-seeking in that regard. Mental health problems were defined as commonly experienced problems of depression or anxiety, as well as behavioural and emotional problems. Considering the concept of help-seeking, the term is used to understand the delay of care and to explore possible pathways for mental health promotion. For this study, help-seeking was defined as seeking and/or accessing professional help for mental health problems. Conceptually, help-seeking was regarded as a process influenced by social, psychological and contextual factors [ 12 ]. The research questions for this study were (1) to map general characteristics of published literature focusing on the young people’s experiences of seeking help for mental health problems, and (2) to explore how the previously published theoretical model Lost in Space could be further refined and complemented via an abductive approach, drawing the final set of categories and themes informed by the papers reviewed in this study.

2.2. Stage 2: Identifying Relevant Studies

A search strategy was developed in collaboration with a librarian to develop search terms using subject heading terms adapted to each of the three included databases: Medline/PubMed, PsycINFO and CINAHL. The search terms for the target population were adolescents, young and emerging adults; for the health outcome, they were mental health, depression, anxiety, and for the concept of interest, the term was help-seeking. Other criteria were limiting searches to studies written in English, and studies being published between 2010 and 2020 due to rapidly evolving research and policy changes in this area as well as the increased rates of mental health problems among young people. The searches were conducted during summer 2020. See Table S1 (Supplementary Materials) for the full search strategy.

Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria

Studies were eligible for inclusion if they investigated help-seeking among young people with mental health problems aged between 11 and 25. Only studies that specifically investigated young people’s own perspectives of experiencing or having experienced mental health problems and help-seeking were included. Since the intention was to understand help-seeking among young people with common mental health problems, studies on particular target groups or populations were excluded, such as studies on specific treatment interventions. Likewise, studies focusing on help-seeking attitudes or potential help-seeking intentions of general populations without personal experience of mental health help-seeking were excluded. Studies had to specifically focus on adolescents or young people; thus, studies with a more population-based perspective, or encompassing wider age groups, were excluded. Theses were not included as it was assumed that any material within a thesis on help-seeking, that otherwise fitted the inclusion criteria, would appear as published articles. Comments, editorials, consensus statements and other opinion-based papers were excluded, along with studies solely exploring the perspectives of others, other than the help-seekers themselves (e.g., families, helpers, professionals, etc.).

2.3. Stage 3: Study Selection

All identified studies from the searches were imported to the management reference tool EndNote, version 20.1, and duplicates were removed. Screening was carried out with a sequential, stepped approach and an iterative process between the authors of the study [ 18 ]. In the first step of study selection, titles and periodically abstracts were screened by KHW, who discarded obviously irrelevant studies based on the exclusion criteria. In the second step of study selection, abstracts of the remaining studies were screened independently by three of the authors (KHW, PS and MN) to determine eligibility based on the defined inclusion and exclusion criteria. Disagreements between the authors were discussed with a fourth author (JN) until consensus was reached. The third step required KHW to examine the full-text of the remaining articles to determine eligibility, subsequently discussing the articles with all authors. A PRISMA diagram ( Figure 1 ) details the screening process with number of papers retrieved and selection of the included studies.

Article search and selection process—PRISMA diagram.

2.4. Stage 4: Charting the Data

Data charting was conducted in accordance with scoping review standards using a template that was developed for the extraction of information from each study regarding the following: authorship, year of publication, journal, source of origin, design, population and age group, aims of the study, methodology and important results [ 17 ]. A descriptive, numerical summarization was made, presenting the extent, nature and scope of included studies [ 18 ], see Table S2 (Supplementary Materials) for the full bibliographic information of the included studies.

2.5. Stage 5: Collating, Summarizing and Reporting Results

A qualitative thematic analysis was conducted to examine and aggregate the findings from the help-seeking process, as depicted in the included studies [ 18 ]. For the thematic analysis, an abductive approach was taken [ 19 ], based on the previous Lost in Space model [ 15 ]. According to such an approach, hypotheses can be explicated through deduction and verified through induction. Abduction thus means that new explanations are based on background theories and, whilst taking empirical material and restrictions into account, may lead to elaborated knowledge [ 19 ].

The analysis began with reading the findings in the included articles several times, then identifying and inductively coding text and quotes [ 20 ] in relation to young people’s experiences of seeking help for mental health problems. In this phase, data were inductively scrutinized to discover experiences, expressions and perspectives, keeping codes close to the data; for example, the text ‘Some young people reported that discussing uncomfortable emotions was unfamiliar’ was coded as the theme Unfamiliarity. The deductive process followed, in which the theoretical model Lost in Space was employed. It describes help-seeking among young people with mental health problems in a Swedish context [ 15 ]. A categorization matrix was developed based on the model, emanating from the original subcategories and categories, the themes within the subcategories and the properties of themes. The deductive process in the analysis involved going back to the data and placing the inductively derived codes into themes and subcategories of the theoretical model. All themes from the original model were found through coding the analysed articles. Codes from the new material that did not match the original theoretical model subcategories contributed with new aspects to existing themes of the model and, in some cases, generated new themes, thereby broadening the understanding of help-seeking. In one instance, the name of one subcategory was altered to reflect new material. KWH performed the data analysis and, to enhance the quality and validity of the analysis, the data analysis was discussed continuously with all authors.

3.1. Mapping the Characteristics of Published Literature

In total, 1540 articles were identified as potentially relevant records, after duplicates were removed through the database searches. After the first screening of title and abstract, 1207 articles were excluded on the basis of age, format type, content (i.e., not dealing with help-seeking), focusing on specific populations or not being based on a user perspective. In the second round of screening, another 243 articles were excluded due to the eligibility criteria. In the third round of screening, the remaining 90 articles were reviewed in full-text and of these 12 articles met the full set of eligibility criteria.

The characteristics of the included studies are described in Table S2 (Supplementary Materials) . Seven articles were published between 2010 and 2015, and five after 2016. The designs were mostly qualitative, with individual interviews ( n = 9) and focus groups ( n = 7). Seven articles employed a combination of methods (for example, mixed methods), and two articles included information from surveys. The focus of articles covered: social and organizational factors impacting help-seeking, functional concerns, attitudes towards computerized mental health support, attitudes to consulting primary care, perceptions and help-seeking behaviours in schools, exploration and identification of barriers and facilitators in general populations with and without previous experience of mental health support, barriers and facilitators in male groups, links between masculinity and help-seeking, comparisons of groups’ help-seeking strategies and descriptions of experiences, self-management and help-seeking. The recruitment of participants varied, utilising educational settings ( n = 4), youth mental health services ( n = 2), community websites ( n = 1), primary care ( n = 1), youth services ( n = 2), previous participation in longitudinal studies ( n = 2) and community samples ( n = 3). Four articles focused specifically on young males, and four on barriers to help-seeking. Three articles were set in the USA, one in Canada, three in Australia and five in Europe. The age range, 11–25, was seen in a variation of age clusters, with the smallest age range being two years (ages 20–22) and the largest 13 years (ages 12–25); the mean age range covered was six years.

3.2. Examination of the Help-Seeking Process from the Perspectives of Young People

The findings from this examination showed a high level of agreement with the theoretical model Lost in Space. Overall, the results showed that help-seeking was a dynamic and psychosocial process without sequentially fixed stages, where young people expressed an unfamiliarity with, insecurity about and lack of knowledge of mental health issues, a longing for self-reliance and, in some contexts, a presence of stigma. Young people did not consider the support structures to be responsive or accessible. Below, Figure 2 outlines the examination of the help-seeking process from the perspectives of young people. It includes confirmed content of the old model, new content derived from the analysed articles, and elaborations according to the abductive method. The ‘number of meaning units’ refers to coded material in the analysed articles. ‘Original’ refers to subcategories and themes from the Lost in Space model, where findings were corroborated by codes from the analysed articles (‘confirmed content’), other elements that emerged showed further dimensions of experiences that contributed to new perspectives of established subcategories in the model (‘new content’), and some themes that emerged in the analysis were not readily encompassed within the subcategories in the original model (‘new’) (see Figure 2 ).

Examination of the help-seeking process from young people’s perspectives.

3.2.1. Drifting

Drifting, the initial category of the Lost in Space model, encompassed a general feeling of unfamiliarity, lack of knowledge, trivialising oneself and problems due to insecurity often by normalizing and minimizing one’s experiences. Young people’s voices in the analysed articles corroborated Drifting well, through similar expressions and experiences.

Fumbling in Life

In the original model, Fumbling in life encompassed themes of unfamiliarity, insecurity and trivialisation. Likewise, young people in the analysed articles expressed unfamiliarity with both mental health problems and not recognizing oneself. Lack of knowledge was frequently described both with regard to communicating, distinguishing and assessing emotions but also regarding where and when to seek help, leading to a sense of insecurity. Because of this insecurity, young people practised trivialisation, trying to make their problems smaller or unimportant. They also had the impression and fear that their problems would not be sufficient to receive support. In some of the analysed articles, trivialisation was presented as a rational strategy, enabling young people to downplay their problems and rationalizing not actively dealing with them or approaching others for help, whereas, in the original model, trivialisation was carried out due to a sense of insecurity. In this section, no conceptual changes to the original model are suggested.

In the original model, Struggling was characterized by simultaneous descriptions of mental health problems and incessant attempts and strategies to feel better, ambivalence and a longing for self-reliance. These themes re-appeared in the included articles. Mental health problems were described by the participants as emotional problems, panic attacks, sadness, self-harm, anxiety and lack of motivation. Within Struggling in the original model, young people usually referred to mental health problems as being something “within” (internal) rather than originating “outside” (global). However, in several of the analysed articles, the mental health problems were attributed to something “outside”. Hence, young people also related mental health problems to relationships, stress and risk-taking behaviour.

Themes on endeavouring strategies trying to deal with mental health problems were common in the included studies, as was also the case in the Lost in Space model, pointing to the more-or-less continual and relentless attempts and strategies young people performed in order to deal with their problems. Although it was proposed by young people in individual studies that seeking help requires effort, lack of effort was not a dominant issue for young people in either the original model or in most analysed articles. In some articles, an in-depth exploration of the strategies employed was undertaken, according to having an ‘approach’ or ‘avoidant’ character, or gendered differences, adding to the variation in strategies, whereas in the model, an abundance of strategies was ascertained; however, the type of strategy was not explored. Denial was a common strategy in both the original model and in the included articles. In the Lost in Space model, this was described as “shutting off”, with the intent of ignoring feelings and problems. This strategy was directed towards oneself: wanting to manage things, being strong and coping. In some of the analysed articles, denial was presented as relating to a sense of embarrassment, or as being done in order to protect others. Several reasons were attributed to this phenomenon: that young people did not want to trouble others, did not want to burden or alarm others, and did not trust others. In the model, reasons for denial were differentiated by a sense of responsibility, enacted by, for example, not sharing information with family and friends. Withholding information thus seemed to relate to aspects additional to a sense of responsibility and self-reliance.

A frequent theme in both the original model and in the findings from the included articles was self-reliance. Statements of wanting to be strong, trying to cope on one’s own, not sharing information and an elevated sense of responsibility to manage one’s life and mental health problems were evident. Ambivalence as a theme recurred throughout the material, in both the included studies and the original model. Young people expressed simultaneous and contradictory feelings and thoughts towards both themselves and their problems, others and help-seeking per se. They were often hesitant to seek help, whilst at the same time expressing a need and a longing for help.

The analysis of the included articles suggested no major conceptual changes to the original model, although the themes Endavouring strategies and Mental health problems are both elaborated.

Reaching a Point of No Return

Within Reaching a point of no return in the original model, young people expressed deterioration and a reaching out for support, often with the help of others. In Lost in Space, others were called ’catalysts’, showcasing their importance in actually initiating a help-seeking process. Within the analysed articles, important others were consistently brought up by the young people, with examples of others coaching, supporting, guiding and, in some instances, taking control of the help-seeking process. A new perspective in the included articles was a negative perception of control, and how others exerted control over them, compelling them to seek help. While this aspect of negative control did not emerge in the original model, an elaboration of the model may expand on the various functions of the important others, e.g., by dividing them into controllers vs. supporters. The other theme in this subcategory, deterioration, was brought up in several articles, as in the Lost in Space model. This indicated a worsening of symptoms and a decreased ability to function. Young people described not leaving the house, escalated behavioural problems, self-harm and suicide attempts, or ‘having a melt-down’ as triggers for seeking help. Young people also described how their problems were ‘revealed’ and others became aware of their problems, which in turn led to seeking help.

The included articles emphasise that seeking help is often a long process that takes place during a prolonged time-span. Therefore, in this section, a change of title of the subcategory Reaching a point of no return, to Transitioning towards decision, is suggested.

3.2.2. Navigating

The category Navigating depicted attempts of trying to find support, personal reflections, hopes and longings and wrestling with structural barriers. Expressions from young people in the analysed articles conformed well with the subcategories Trying to dock and Wrestling with structure.

Trying to Dock

This subcategory in the Lost in Space model entailed descriptions of personal reflections, hopes, longings and disappointment when trying to seek support. All themes from the original model were exemplified in the included articles. Hopes for help, as well as being safe, noticed and understood, were common in the included articles, as were accounts of the opposite, feeling unsupported. Miscommunication while not being understood or listened to also appeared in both materials as did accounts of being treated like a child and not taken seriously, thus containing references to issues of power. Several analysed articles contained descriptions by young people on how support was perceived as impersonal and instrumental rather than person-centred. This added aspects of negative references to professionalism and reliance on medication. Young people expressed the importance of reframing negative and medical terminology in positive and informal terms. Both materials contained descriptions of young people feeling unsupported, which led to continued and continual efforts of seeking support. A new theme, trust, was identified in the thematic analysis from descriptions of lack of confidence in treatment, and how familiarity facilitated help-seeking. A lack of trust was depicted as arising from limited prior contact, from anxiety about seeking help, from concerns about professional competence and from negative perceptions of professionals. Within the theme of trust in the articles, concerns about confidentiality and parental involvement surfaced, whereas, in the original model, these concerns were interpreted as structural obstacles.

Common themes in the articles were stigma and shame, whereas in the original model, this was not pervasive. The included articles relayed young people’s strong sense of shame about seeking help. They perceived it as a display of weakness. Fear of social consequences, ridicule and a longing to fit in led young people to describe a feeling of shame or embarrassment, and to having thoughts of what others would think and say. They also made efforts to conceal both mental health problems and help-seeking. Articles focusing exclusively on males stressed the gendered aspect of this, claiming that this group was affected by masculine ideals of strength and autonomy, which hindered displays of weakness and prevented help-seeking. In the original model, some findings relating to this theme were described; however, the term stigma was never used. Instead, this was described in the subcategory Wrestling with structure, in relation to seeking support in school, with references of embarrassment and an undesirable show of weakness in front of peers.

In this section, the analysed articles provide more aspects on the Feeling unsupported and Miscommunication themes. The large presence of codes in the new material relating to Stigma and Trust suggests the incorporation of Stigma and Trust as unique themes into the model.

Wrestling with Structure

In both the original model and the analysed articles, there were multiple references to structural obstacles, such as access, waiting times, resources, continuity, inadequate chains of support, and lack of coordination between supporters. Young people voiced feelings of not being met by professionals in an appropriate and timely manner, and concerns about how they were passed on, being referred to other support structures, and how there was a perceived lack of resources, making access difficult. Help-seeking was described as inconsistent, with repeated attempts at initiating and discontinuing help. Young people in several articles, and the original model, expressed that primary care was not an option when seeking support. Primary care was regarded as handling physical health complaints and that its practitioners were not being skilled in mental health issues. Particularly for the ‘younger’ of the young people, expressions that primary care was not directed at their age group were voiced. The inadequate support services theme was thus corroborated by young people in other contexts.

Confidentiality and age issues were concerns for the young people, both within the original model and the thematic analysis, primarily relating to parental control and insight. Both materials contained descriptions of how young people assumed and were concerned that confidential information shared with professional supporters would be communicated to parents. In some articles, this was said to relate to the theme of trust; however, confidentiality was mainly related to being a minor lacking power. Young people also voiced that being a minor was as an obstacle for independently accessing help. Likewise, age was an issue for the ‘older’ young people, who reported feeling out-of-place at youth-specific services. In the original model, a sense of resignation, often related to difficulties accessing support and feeling unsupported, was evident. The included articles provided additional material relating to this, as a sense of powerlessness appeared in several subcategories, and in the process as a whole.

The analysis supported a clearer conceptual division between subcategories Wrestling with structure and Trying to dock in the model. The latter entailed primarily personal accounts and experiences, expressions of hopes, disappointments and recounts of feelings, and the former referred primarily to structural conditions. Recurring references in relation to powerlessness suggest this is elevated to a permeating theme, capturing young people’s experience of seeking help.

3.2.3. Docking

Docking in the original model contained references from young people to the subcategories Finding support and Changing as a person.

Finding Support

All original themes of the subcategory Finding support were found in the thematic analysis. In both the original model and the analysed articles, young people described experiences of being validated, accepted, recognized and listened to. The importance of the comfort of support and initial positive contact was stressed. Descriptions of good and bad supporters and preferences regarding, for example, gender and profession, were evident. Both materials contained descriptions of negative outcomes and unwanted consequences from having sought help; for example, in the original model, this was described as problems being exaggerated and social services becoming involved. In the analysed articles were descriptions of referrals to support services appearing as punitive rather than helpful. This subcategory also contained accounts in both the analysed articles and the original model of young people being disregarded and not being taken seriously.

In this section, no changes to the model are suggested.

Changing as a Person

In the original model, this subcategory described the consequences of successful help-seeking in the form of gaining knowledge and positive personal change. Young people in the original model stressed the positive aspects and changes after having experienced mental health problems. Some references were found in the articles with regard to this subcategory, with personal change depicted as finding a more positive outlook on life through one’s own determination and decisiveness.

In this section, the analysed articles provide more aspects on the theme Changing as a person, but no changes to the model are suggested.

Overall, the findings from the analysis aided in developing an elaborated model of help-seeking, Figure 3 . The overall notion of help-seeking as a fluid and dynamic process with the three categories Drifting, Navigating and Docking was reinforced.

Elaborated and further developed theoretical model of help-seeking among young people for mental health problems.

4. Discussion

This scoping review aimed to map published literature on young people’s experiences of seeking help for mental health problems, and to validate whether the previously published model Lost in Space was adaptable as a theoretical model of the help-seeking process. A high level of conformity was found between help-seeking as depicted by the original Lost in Space model and the analysed articles of this study. The analysis reinforced that help-seeking is to be regarded as a fluid and psychosocial process, often experienced by users as unfamiliar and obstacle-laden, tainted by feelings of powerlessness [ 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 ].

4.1. Discussion and Implications in Relation to the Original Model Lost in Space

After reviewing up-to-date literature on user perspectives of help-seeking for mental health problems among young people, it is clear that the depiction of the initial stage of help-seeking, as being characterized by a sense of drifting, was, to a large extent, corroborated from young people’s experiences described in the reviewed articles. Regardless of context, young people expressed a general feeling of unfamiliarity and a lack of knowledge, often coupled with a sense of insecurity, and trivialisation of experiences [ 21 , 22 , 23 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 ]. This was also supported by a large number of codes and expressions relating to the endeavouring strategies theme in an effort to be self-reliant [ 22 , 23 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 ]. This points to the more-or-less continual and relentless nature of the efforts of young people to deal with their problems. A strong wish for self-reliance was consistently stressed in the reviewed articles, with a large variation and number of strategies used to implement self-reliance and deal with mental health problems. Incorporating an elaboration regarding the characteristics of strategies—whether positive/negative, destructive/constructive or approach/avoidant strategies—would provide an additional perspective on how mental health is dealt with by young people. The reviewed articles confirmed that reaching a decision to seek help often takes place with the aid of others [ 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 29 , 31 , 32 ] and distinction between ‘controllers’ and ‘supporters’ in this regard may further elaborate the model. Re-naming of the subcategory Reaching a point of no return into Transitioning towards decision would reflect the transitional nature of the mental health help-seeking process.

The category Navigating, capturing both personal experiences and structural barriers, was well confirmed by the review. Reflections of not being met by professionals in an appropriate and timely manner, and observations of a perceived lack of resources making access difficult, surfaced in both the original model and the included articles [ 23 , 26 , 29 ]. Accounts of not being taken seriously, being treated like a child, not listened to and disregarded, indicating power-issues relating to the experiences of young people, as well as descriptions of inconsistent use of support, repeatedly initiating and discontinuing help, appeared in the original model as well as the included articles [ 22 , 26 , 28 , 29 ]. Stigma and Trust surfaced as new themes, and Stigma in particular appeared with a large number of codes in the analysed articles. Young people described a feeling of shame, embarrassment, thoughts of what others would think and say and various efforts to conceal both mental health problems and their help-seeking [ 21 , 22 , 23 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 31 ]. Several articles dealt exclusively with young men and boys, proposing that the reasons for not seeking help were strongly conditioned by gender, with masculine ideals of strength and autonomy acting as obstacles for help-seeking [ 21 , 23 , 28 , 31 ]. Similar findings emerged in the Lost in Space model, where issues of self-reliance, wanting to be strong, and shunning displays of weakness, were shared between participants, and were not gender specific. Cultural variations may account for this difference between studies and findings. This said, most participants in studies on help-seeking are female and the findings may translate poorly to other populations and contexts. Help-seeking is exceptionally low among boys and young men, which in itself calls for a focus on specific populations with particularly low help-seeking [ 33 , 34 ].

The latter part of the original model, Docking, was not as well corroborated through the analysis. There were few descriptions of actually finding support and even fewer of personal reflections on the effects of finding help [ 21 , 22 , 31 ]. It may be that research on the help-seeking process does not focus on support and is discontinued as soon as support is established, and aspects of this may be found in other literature on service utilization or treatment satisfaction. However, by dividing the help-seeking journey into smaller isolated fractions, focus on the process as a whole could be missed, resulting in a stunted model and less understanding of the help-seeking process. Overall, the included articles reinforced the model of help-seeking as a dynamic and psychosocial process, consisting of different stages but without being sequentially fixed.

4.2. Discussion and Implications in Practice

This review on help-seeking for common mental health problems included young people from the age of 11 to 25, thus also including young adults. The studies described in the included articles were based on varied recruitment strategies from different contexts. No specific patterns according to age or context could be discerned. The concerns voiced in the studies included themes on structural barriers of the support system, an unfamiliarity and lack of knowledge of mental health and the support system, and simultaneously, a wish for self-reliance, suggesting possible strategies for meeting the help-seeking needs of young people. Although this study aimed to include articles focusing on groups that were wide enough to be defined as population-based, the focus of the included articles tended to be on particular populations, stressing the vulnerability and poor help-seeking of one particular group. Thus, the research had ethno-centric tendencies, whereas there were large overlaps and resemblances of experiences by young people in the help-seeking process regardless of contexts. The attribution of non-help-seeking to stigma and cultural norms amongst Black, Latino and Chinese American youth was observed by others, pointing to this being a more general, rather than group-specific phenomenon [ 32 ].

Structural factors, and how young people experience the support system, play an important role in the help-seeking process. Despite different contexts, young people expressed similar concerns relating to issues of availability and accessibility. There were views that waiting times were too long, resources were too few, and in some contexts, that costs and distances posed problems [ 21 , 23 , 25 , 26 , 28 , 29 ]. Other research has shown that there is a perceived inaccessibility of the support system across different groups of young people regarding resources, entry requirements and coordination between services [ 13 ]. Structural obstacles stretch over different geographical and socio-economic backgrounds at the macro level, with high-income countries still showing substantial delays and poor help-seeking rates for young people [ 14 , 35 ]. Thus, even in favourable circumstances, young people perceive structural barriers, pointing to how the support system does not accommodate the fluid and changeable nature of help-seeking. Young people regard mental health as a complex social and relational matter [ 36 ]. They often present with diagnostically confusing symptoms, and support systems that are traditionally organized according to medical specialities may not meet the needs of young people with common mental health problems [ 37 ]. Integrated youth centres, focusing on meeting young people’s needs in one place through multidisciplinary support with consideration of the context, show promising results [ 38 , 39 ]. In comparison to traditional support, which is by definition siloed and often entails entry requirements according to diagnostic thresholds, integrated youth-friendly services seem to increase help-seeking and access to support, even among groups that are usually hard to reach [ 33 , 39 ]. Studies in a Swedish context have pointed out that youth health clinics providing services to build upon with multi-professional teams and expertise on mental health are available throughout Sweden [ 40 ].

Young people reported a lack of knowledge on mental health and the support system, leading to a sense of insecurity and possibly a delay of help-seeking. Improved health literacy among young people may facilitate help-seeking through mechanisms of awareness of service availability and symptom recognition [ 13 ]. However, improved help-seeking and mental health among young people may require more than only improved knowledge. Previous reviews have, for example, shown past positive experiences and outcomes of help-seeking and positive contacts with support professionals to be facilitators for seeking help [ 4 , 8 ]. At the same time, a preference for self-reliance when facing mental health problems is consistently reported, with this being particularly prominent in studies with participants having previous experience of mental health problems and mental health support, contradicting the findings of past experiences facilitating help-seeking [ 8 , 23 ]. Young women in particular seem to have poor expectations regarding therapeutic outcomes, signalling a lack of trust in professional supporters, with treatment being perceived as impersonal and protocol-driven [ 23 ]. The results of this study identified the importance of supporters’ ability to meet young people responsively, using a person-centred approach. Young people felt more comfortable when the supporters did not use medical language and emphasized the importance of using positive and informal terms for improving communication between the young person and the supporter. Other studies have confirmed this finding, underlining the importance of having young staff who are skilled, respectful, welcoming, and allow for participation and shared decision-making [ 39 ].

With this review showing how young people experience mental health help-seeking as a psychosocial and fluid process, often with lack of knowledge and a sense of insecurity, prompt consideration of the organization of present support systems is needed. Young people need to be met in a person-centred and flexible manner. Perhaps, this is where the greatest effort is needed, addressing issues of power from the perspectives of young people, improving opportunities for personal self-reliance and personalized support.

5. Methodological Considerations

This review has some limitations. The choice of databases and keywords was developed in accordance with an experienced health literature librarian; however, making a choice always entails the risk that some information may have been missed. Other databases and different keywords may have produced different results. The criteria for including articles were that they should deal with the direct perspectives of young people who had experienced mental health problems and/or help-seeking. Whilst excluding those who had no experience of help-seeking (thus all articles dealing with intentions to seeking help only) might have been a clear-cut and easy choice, that would also have meant that we excluded those with experience of mental health problems who had not sought help for various reasons; thus, avoidance is also a perspective that is worth taking into consideration.

We aimed to include studies focusing on groups wide enough to be defined as population-based; nevertheless, these still often utilized an ethnocentric perspective, such as having a particular ethnic descent. This automatically raises the issue of generalizability and transferability. It was evident that studies consistently focused on particular populations, stressing the vulnerability and poor help-seeking of this particular group. However, similar claims kept reappearing, regardless of which particular group was being studied. A noteworthy phenomenon is that all included articles were published in Western countries. This also limits the transferability of the findings, as young people around the world may be situated in significantly different contexts.

In order to limit bias, the work was conducted by alternating methods of individual and joint reviews. However, subjectivity is a relevant issue that the authors of this review could not completely avoid.

6. Conclusions and Implication

The field of help-seeking among young people for mental health problems is receiving growing attention in research and academic literature. However, this review shows that there is substantial heterogeneity among studies with regard to methods, populations and how help-seeking is investigated. In qualitative literature exploring user perspectives, help-seeking is depicted as a fluid, dynamic and psychosocial process, validating the theoretical model of Lost in Space. Important findings include the presence of stigma, a lack of knowledge of mental health issues, a longing for self-reliance and a sense of powerlessness expressed by young people in various contexts and countries. Paying attention to these findings would imply acknowledging young people’s sense of feeling lost, making support services more flexible and person-centred.

Acknowledgments

Caroline Karlsson greatly contributed with the graphical model.

Supplementary Materials

The following are available online at https://www.mdpi.com/article/10.3390/ijerph19031430/s1 , Table S1, full search strategy, Table S2, characteristics of included studies.

Author Contributions

All authors (K.H.W., M.N., J.M.N. and P.S.) made significant contributions to the original paper. K.H.W., M.N., J.M.N. and P.S. together identified the research question and designed the study. The data search was conducted by K.H.W., and stepped screening was performed by K.H.W., M.N., J.M.N. and P.S. In addition, K.H.W. drafted the manuscript and M.N., J.M.N. and P.S. provided critical revision of the paper in terms of important intellectual content. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

This research received no external funding.

Institutional Review Board Statement

This study did not require ethical clearance.

Informed Consent Statement

Not applicable.

Data Availability Statement

Conflicts of interest.

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

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Most in the U.S. say young adults today face more challenges than their parents’ generation in some key areas

About seven-in-ten Americans think young adults today have a harder time than their parents’ generation when it comes to saving for the future (72%), paying for college (71%) and buying a home (70%), according to a Pew Research Center survey conducted in October 2021. These findings come at a time when younger Americans are more likely than previous generations to have taken on student debt with tuition costs steadily rising, and to face an affordable housing crisis as rent and housing prices have grown markedly faster than incomes in the last decade.

To learn more about how Americans view the circumstances young adults face across various life measures compared with their parents’ generation, Pew Research Center surveyed 9,676 U.S. adults between Oct. 18-24, 2021. Everyone who took part is a member of the Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way, nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories. Read more about the  ATP’s methodology .

Here are the questions used for this analysis , along with responses, and  its methodology .

There’s less consensus when it comes to assessing labor market outcomes for young people today compared with their parents’ generation. Similar shares say finding a job is easier (40%) as say it is harder (39%) for young adults today. A smaller share of U.S. adults (21%) say it’s about the same.

When it comes to finding a spouse or partner, Americans are more than twice as likely to say younger adults today have it harder than their parents’ generation (46%) than to say they have it easier (21%). Around a third (32%) say it’s about the same.

On some other measures, Americans are more positive in their assessments of young adults’ circumstances. A significant majority of U.S. adults (74%) say it is easier for younger generations today to stay in touch with family and friends. Only 14% say this is harder for young adults compared with their parents’ generation. A plurality (41%) says getting into college is easier for young adults today compared with their parents’ generation; 33% say it’s harder for young adults today and 26% say it’s about the same.

There are notable age differences when it comes to assessing the circumstances of young adults today.

While majorities across all age groups say young adults have it harder when it comes to buying a home, saving for the future and paying for college, Americans ages 18 to 29 are more likely than older age groups to say this. More than eight-in-ten adults younger than 30 (84%) say buying a home is harder for young adults today, while 80% say the same about saving for the future and paying for college. Among those ages 30 to 49, 72% say buying a home and paying for college is harder for young adults today, and 74% say this about saving for the future. Those 50 and older are the least likely to say these measures are harder for younger generations to reach, with 63% saying this about buying a home, 67% saying this about saving for the future, and 66% saying this about paying for college.

When it comes to finding a job, younger Americans are again the most likely to say this is harder for young adults today. Overall, 55% of 18- to 29-year-olds say finding a job is harder for young adults today than it was for their parents’ generation. About four-in-ten or less of those ages 30 to 49 and those 50 and older say this about young adults (39% and 33%, respectively). There are also double-digit differences between the views of adults younger than 30 and those ages 50 or older when it comes to finding a spouse or partner (52% of 18- to 29-year-olds say this is harder for young adults today vs. 42% in the older group) and getting into college (45% vs. 27%, respectively). In fact, a plurality of adults 50 and older say getting into college is easier today (44%). There are no large differences by age on the measure of staying in touch with family and friends.

Generally, these views differ only modestly by gender, with one exception. On finding a spouse or partner, about half of women (51%) – compared with 40% of men – say this is harder for young adults today than it was for their parents’ generation. This gap is only present among those ages 30 and older; roughly equal shares of women (53%) and men (52%) younger than 30 say this is harder for young adults today. Notably, women in older age groups give similar answers as younger women, while older men are less likely than their younger counterparts to say finding a spouse or partner is harder for young adults today (42% of men 30 to 49 and 34% of men 50 and older say this).

Finally, on most of these measures, there are no significant differences between adults who are parents of children ages 18 to 29 and those who are not. On a few items where such differences exist, they tend to disappear when looking at adults 50 and older. The only item where such differences persist among older adults is on assessments of finding a job. Interestingly, those 50 and older who are parents of adult children ages 18 to 29 are more likely than those in the same age group who do not have young adult children to say young adults today have it easier when it comes to finding a job (47% vs. 42%, respectively).

Note: Here are the questions used for this analysis , along with responses, and  its methodology .

• Homeownership & Renting
• Personal Finances
• Unemployment
• Younger Adults

Stella Sechopoulos is a former research assistant focusing on social and demographic trends research at Pew Research Center .

Methodology: 2023 focus groups of Asian Americans

1 in 10: redefining the asian american dream (short film), the hardships and dreams of asian americans living in poverty, majority of americans prefer a community with big houses, even if local amenities are farther away, single women own more homes than single men in the u.s., but that edge is narrowing, most popular.

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How Teens Today Are Different from Past Generations

Every generation of teens is shaped by the social, political, and economic events of the day. Today’s teenagers are no different—and they’re the first generation whose lives are saturated by mobile technology and social media.

In her new book, psychologist Jean Twenge uses large-scale surveys to draw a detailed portrait of ten qualities that make today’s teens unique and the cultural forces shaping them. Her findings are by turn alarming, informative, surprising, and insightful, making the book— iGen:Why Today’s Super-Connected Kids Are Growing Up Less Rebellious, More Tolerant, Less Happy—and Completely Unprepared for Adulthood—and What That Means for the Rest of Us —an important read for anyone interested in teens’ lives.

Who are the iGens?

Twenge names the generation born between 1995 and 2012 “iGens” for their ubiquitous use of the iPhone, their valuing of individualism, their economic context of income inequality, their inclusiveness, and more.

She identifies their unique qualities by analyzing four nationally representative surveys of 11 million teens since the 1960s. Those surveys, which have asked the same questions (and some new ones) of teens year after year, allow comparisons among Boomers, Gen Xers, Millennials, and iGens at exactly the same ages. In addition to identifying cross-generational trends in these surveys, Twenge tests her inferences against her own follow-up surveys, interviews with teens, and findings from smaller experimental studies. Here are just a few of her conclusions.

iGens have poorer emotional health thanks to new media. Twenge finds that new media is making teens more lonely, anxious, and depressed, and is undermining their social skills and even their sleep.

iGens “grew up with cell phones, had an Instagram page before they started high school, and do not remember a time before the Internet,” writes Twenge. They spend five to six hours a day texting, chatting, gaming, web surfing, streaming and sharing videos, and hanging out online. While other observers have equivocated about the impact, Twenge is clear: More than two hours a day raises the risk for serious mental health problems.

She draws these conclusions by showing how the national rise in teen mental health problems mirrors the market penetration of iPhones—both take an upswing around 2012. This is correlational data, but competing explanations like rising academic pressure or the Great Recession don’t seem to explain teens’ mental health issues. And experimental studies suggest that when teens give up Facebook for a period or spend time in nature without their phones, for example, they become happier.

The mental health consequences are especially acute for younger teens, she writes. This makes sense developmentally, since the onset of puberty triggers a cascade of changes in the brain that make teens more emotional and more sensitive to their social world.

Social media use, Twenge explains, means teens are spending less time with their friends in person. At the same time, online content creates unrealistic expectations (about happiness, body image, and more) and more opportunities for feeling left out—which scientists now know has similar effects as physical pain . Girls may be especially vulnerable, since they use social media more, report feeling left out more often than boys, and report twice the rate of cyberbullying as boys do.

Social media is creating an “epidemic of anguish,” Twenge says.

iGens grow up more slowly. iGens also appear more reluctant to grow up. They are more likely than previous generations to hang out with their parents, postpone sex, and decline driver’s licenses.

Twenge floats a fascinating hypothesis to explain this—one that is well-known in social science but seldom discussed outside academia. Life history theory argues that how fast teens grow up depends on their perceptions of their environment: When the environment is perceived as hostile and competitive, teens take a “fast life strategy,” growing up quickly, making larger families earlier, and focusing on survival. A “slow life strategy,” in contrast, occurs in safer environments and allows a greater investment in fewer children—more time for preschool soccer and kindergarten violin lessons.

More on Teens

Discover five ways parents can help prevent teen depression .

Learn how the adolescent brain transforms relationships .

Understand the purpose of the teenage brain .

Explore how to help teens find purpose .

“Youths of every racial group, region, and class are growing up more slowly,” says Twenge—a phenomenon she neither champions nor judges. However, employers and college administrators have complained about today’s teens’ lack of preparation for adulthood. In her popular book, How to Raise an Adult , Julie Lythcott-Haims writes that students entering college have been over-parented and as a result are timid about exploration, afraid to make mistakes, and unable to advocate for themselves.

Twenge suggests that the reality is more complicated. Today’s teens are legitimately closer to their parents than previous generations, but their life course has also been shaped by income inequality that demoralizes their hopes for the future. Compared to previous generations, iGens believe they have less control over how their lives turn out. Instead, they think that the system is already rigged against them—a dispiriting finding about a segment of the lifespan that is designed for creatively reimagining the future .

iGens exhibit more care for others. iGens, more than other generations, are respectful and inclusive of diversity of many kinds. Yet as a result, they reject offensive speech more than any earlier generation, and they are derided for their “fragility” and need for “ trigger warnings ” and “safe spaces.” (Trigger warnings are notifications that material to be covered may be distressing to some. A safe space is a zone that is absent of triggering rhetoric.)

Today’s colleges are tied in knots trying to reconcile their students’ increasing care for others with the importance of having open dialogue about difficult subjects. Dis-invitations to campus speakers are at an all-time high, more students believe the First Amendment is “outdated,” and some faculty have been fired for discussing race in their classrooms. Comedians are steering clear of college campuses, Twenge reports, afraid to offend.

The future of teen well-being

Social scientists will discuss Twenge’s data and conclusions for some time to come, and there is so much information—much of it correlational—there is bound to be a dropped stitch somewhere. For example, life history theory is a useful macro explanation for teens’ slow growth, but I wonder how income inequality or rising rates of insecure attachments among teens and their parents are contributing to this phenomenon. And Twenge claims that childhood has lengthened, but that runs counter to data showing earlier onset of puberty.

So what can we take away from Twenge’s thoughtful macro-analysis? The implicit lesson for parents is that we need more nuanced parenting. We can be close to our children and still foster self-reliance. We can allow some screen time for our teens and make sure the priority is still on in-person relationships. We can teach empathy and respect but also how to engage in hard discussions with people who disagree with us. We should not shirk from teaching skills for adulthood, or we risk raising unprepared children. And we can—and must—teach teens that marketing of new media is always to the benefit of the seller, not necessarily the buyer.

Yet it’s not all about parenting. The cross-generational analysis that Twenge offers is an important reminder that lives are shaped by historical shifts in culture, economy, and technology. Therefore, if we as a society truly care about human outcomes, we must carefully nurture the conditions in which the next generation can flourish.

We can’t market technologies that capture dopamine, hijack attention, and tether people to a screen, and then wonder why they are lonely and hurting. We can’t promote social movements that improve empathy, respect, and kindness toward others and then become frustrated that our kids are so sensitive. We can’t vote for politicians who stall upward mobility and then wonder why teens are not motivated. Society challenges teens and parents to improve; but can society take on the tough responsibility of making decisions with teens’ well-being in mind?

The good news is that iGens are less entitled, narcissistic, and over-confident than earlier generations, and they are ready to work hard. They are inclusive and concerned about social justice. And they are increasingly more diverse and less partisan, which means they may eventually insist on more cooperative, more just, and more egalitarian systems.

Social media will likely play a role in that revolution—if it doesn’t sink our kids with anxiety and depression first.

About the Author

Diana Divecha

Diana Divecha, Ph.D. , is a developmental psychologist, an assistant clinical professor at the Yale Child Study Center and Yale Center for Emotional Intelligence, and on the advisory board of the Greater Good Science Center. Her blog is developmentalscience.com .

You May Also Enjoy

When Going Along with the Crowd May be Good for Teens

Why Teens Turn from Parents to Peers

When Teens Need Their Friends More Than Their Parents

A Journey into the Teenage Brain

Why Won’t Your Teen Talk To You?

When Kindness Helps Teens (and When It Doesn’t)

IELTS Essay: Young People's Problems In Cities

05/25/2022 11:26 AM

Problem - Solution

This essay type asks you to list some problems and some solutions to the given problems. Generally, you would like to follow the model to the left, writing at least two problems  and two solutions to your given problems. If you are an excellent writer and you're able to write quickly, you can consider going for three of each.

Young People's Problems in Big Cities:

Before we write the essay we need to think of a few bigger problems young people face in big cities. There are numerous issues that can be considered, like loneliness , pressure , or even in some cases discrimination . Here is an infographic with four I believe are bigger and more impactful. They are accompanied with some general solutions:

• Furious Competition  - as many young people rush to work or study in the big cities, there is a huge competition for good jobs or education opportunities.
• Standard of Living - cities have an ever-increasing standard of living, caused by the huge amount of people living in them. The more people, the higher the prices of anything from housing to everyday food.
• Peer Pressure  - thanks to social media, people constantly have to compare themselves to others. This causes insane pressure of owning, more and more unnecessary and useless gadgets and luxury, in order to achieve higher than the next person.
• Stress  - cities bring forth the the highest stress, and young people experience that the most, as they have to do the hardest, longest and most stressful jobs available.
• Health  - problems with health come from constant living under stress, eating unhealthy fast food and working or studying countless hours per day, combined with the overall pollution in big cities.

Example Essay:

"As major cities around the world are growing, so are their problems."

What are these problems for young people living in cities?

What are possible solutions to these problems?

Vocabulary related to the topic

Sentence starters and linking words, idioms and phrases, business phrases and idioms, introduction.

In the twenty-first century , growth and prosperity have spread unevenly towards the largest cities. Consequently , these cities have attracted a large majority of young individuals, who have chosen to enter the rat race in a chase for success . Unfortunately , rampant and uncontrolled growth in these areas has brought great pressure and inequality to those young individuals. I will explore some of the issues and potential solutions for these problems.

Vocabulary:

growth - something improving, something developing

prosperity - wealth and success

a large majority of - a big percentage ( more than 70%)

*IDIOM* - the rat race - a way of life in which people are caught in a fierce competition for wealth and power

rampant - out of control, wild

uncontrolled - without any control or restraint

inequality - the state of living in unequal circumstances or situations (earning less than others, being treated worse than others, etc.)

Linking Phrases / Sentence Beginners:

In the ________ century _________.

Consequently , _________.

Unfortunatelly, _________.

I will explore some of the issues and potential solutions for these problems.

Paragraph 1

As a starting point, it is important to discuss some of the greater difficulties the younger generation might face in large cities. One of the largest factors that affect young people is the furious competition they experience in those cities. This competition comes from the fact that hundreds of thousands of people try to succeed all at once . In a limited job market , with only a handful of growth opportunities , this competition creates a situation of a zero-sum game , where people backstab each other, betray each other’s trust and generally sustain this selfish and “all for me” mentality . This has caused huge pressure on people, who see everybody being the enemy . Additionally, another key pressure point in big cities is the ever-increasing cost of living . As prices of housing and everyday goods increase constantly , young people are pushed out of comfortable living conditions and even have to abandon their dreams of making it in the big cities as a whole. Both of these problems cause tremendous stress and pain in many people’s lives these days and have to be addressed in a meaningful way .

to face  - to meet, to experience, to live through

*IDIOM* - key _______ - very important, essential

furious - extremely angry and harsh

a fact - a truth

all at once - at the same time, in the same moment

*BUSINESS PHRASE* - limited job market   - job positions are limited which means there are always more people looking for jobs than there are positions available

handful - a few, a small number

*IDIOM* - to backstab - to betray someone, to try to sabotage someone

to betray - to be disloyal to someone, to share someone's secrets

to sustain - to keep up, to support the same level of something

to be selfish - to care only for yourself

"all for me" mentality - to be selfish, to think only for self- benefits and betterment

*IDIOM* - zero-sum game  - a situation where although it looks like someone wins and someone loses, everybody loses

enemy - a person who you want to fight with, someone who is against you

*BUSINESS PHRASE* - a cost of living - the price or cost for everything we spend on living in a place

constantly - all the time, never-ending

living condition - the situation a person lives in

to abandon - to give up, to leave

*IDIOM* - to make it - to become successful, to achieve your dreams

tremendous - strong, heavy, massive

to be addressed - to do something about a situation or problem

a meaningful way - a sincere, earnest, way of solving something with empathy, thinking about helping people

As a starting point, it is important to _________.

One of the largest factors that affect _________.

This has caused _________.

Additionally, another _________.

As  _________.

Bothe of these problems cause _________.

Paragraph 2

Considering the first complication, there is very little to be done to ease the constant stress of the competitive environment in the cities. Perhaps governments have to encourage or even enforce policies of divestment , and instead of piling up all wealth in the hands of a few monopolies and large corporations , focus on building up and developing smaller towns and cities into hubs for innovation and growth . This way the mass of people crowding large cities will have many options to choose from and will be willing to move away, which will ease the pressure caused by this severe competition. Even further, this type of policy could solve immediately the second issue with the ever-increasing standard of living . As divestment proceeds , smaller towns and beautiful areas around the countries will suddenly become attractive for buyers and young workers alike . Contrary to popular belief , many young people would love to leave the huge concrete jungle but are unable to as all opportunity is concentrated in only those few places. Imagine if they could choose to have a stable career growth in a smaller, more natural, and less polluted town. Who would say no to that? * This can be a real game-changer and a solid solution for both problems.

constant - all the time, continuous

to enforce - to push hard and to make sure people follow the law

a policy - a law

to pile up - to put all things in one place or one location

* Business Phrase* - a monopoly - an entity or a thing that controls a large part of a market or even the whole market itself

corporation - a huge company with tens of thousands of workers

a hub - a center (usually a city) for something, especially for innovation, growth, or culture

innovation - the improvement of products and services

to  crowd a place - many people being/going to a place

to be willing to - to want to, to agree to

to ease - to make it easier

immediately - as soon as possible, instantly, quickly

ever-increasing - something that grows and increases all the time without stopping

suddenly - very quickly, fast

to be alike - to be the same, to have similar characteristics

*IDIOM* - a concrete jungle - cities and buildings are made of concrete (the material) and are huge and messy like a jungle

to be concentrated - to focus in one place or area only

to pollute - to make dirty

*IDIOM* - a game-changer  -something that changes the "game" or the problems completely

solid - strong, serious

Considering the first _________, there is very little to be done to _________.

Perhaps _________, and instead of  _________, focus on _________.

 _________, which will  _________.

Even further, this type of __________.

As _________ proceeds ,  __________.

Contrary to popular belief , __________ would love to _________, but are unable to as __________.

Imagine if they could __________.

*Who would say no to that?  - this is a rhetorical device called a rhetorical question . It is a question that does not need any answer afterward. You could use that, but only if you understand how to.

As megacities continue to keep and control wealth and opportunities , more and more issues rise up and affect deeply the younger generations. Regulators and people in charge should search for and implement concrete long-term solutions for these issues, in order to achieve a more harmonious and prosperous society for all, not just for a few living in the large megacities .

*This essay was written in 20 minutes. It is a bit long but it definitely expresses all the ideas clearly and logically.

megacities  - places like Shanghai, London, and New York, with millions of people living.

wealth  - money

opportunities  - chances for success

*IDIOM* - concrete __________ - strong and serious, solid and stable (for a solution or idea)

regulator - leader or government person in charge of regulating something

people in charge - those who have the power to make big decisions for society, the government

to implement - to add, to do

long-term solution - a decision that can help a situation for many years

harmonious - peaceful, prosperous, free from disagreement

prosperous - rich

As  _________, more and more _________.

_________ should  _________, in order to __________, not just for __________.

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IELTS essay, topic: Young people are facing problems at school and at home, what problems and how can parents help?

• IELTS Essays - Band 8

This essay topic was seen in a recent IELTS test in Canada

Today’s young generation is facing many problems at school and at home. What are the problems? What can parents do to help their teenage children?

Sample Band 8 Essay

Young people today are under a lot of pressure, which seems to come from many directions. The problems they are experiencing happen not only at school, but also at home, and it seems that without adult guidance, our young generation will continue to struggle.

Teenage years have never been simple, and many would agree that the amount of challenges has only increased with the passage of time. Bullying has been a problem for quite a while, and children and adolescents would have experienced it at school in the past, but then it would stop at home. At present, however, things have been made worse by social media penetrating the supposedly safe space of our teenagers. The unfortunate behaviour of their peers can now reach them even in their bedrooms, causing them constant distress.

Another issue troubling many young people is the pressure to succeed by their families. Whether at school or at home, they often feel as if they are not smart enough, which creates overwhelm and despair. Understandably, their parents are pursuing a worthy goal of ensuring their children get a great start in life; however, many teens feel that they are failing their families when they don’t live up to their expectations. This often leads to dishonest and unethical behaviour, such as cheating on tests or plagiarising other students’ work. When uncovered, these incidents have a profound effect on young people’s future careers, not to mention their emotional well-being.

It is hard to underestimate the importance of parental support to navigating life as a young person. From helping teens build a positive body image and self-esteem, to handling classmates’ difficult behaviour, to guidance where study is concerned, parents can make a world of difference. Talking to their sons and daughters about matters that worry them, listening and making non-judgmental suggestions are great ways to help. Getting a professional involved where necessary and engaging with teachers, councilors and coaches is another opportunity for parents to provide assistance. Last but not least, parents can make their children better and happier people by simply giving them unconditional love.

To sum up, being a young person in the modern world isn’t easy. By banding together and paying careful attention to their teens, families can help them overcome any obstacles to becoming successful adults.

Teacher’s comment: The writer’s response fully covered every aspect of the task. Their arguments are strong, comprehensive, and well-supported. The effective use of paraphrasing, referencing, substitution, information sequencing, and paragraphing in this essay contributes to its high level of coherence and cohesion. The writer is able to clearly explain their message because to their extensive vocabulary and careful word selection. This essay has many examples of uncommon lexical items, all appropriately used. The writer has a great control of grammar, they follow the rules of punctuation and use complex sentence structures very well. Overall, this essay is likely to get Band 8 or 8.5 in IELTS

Click here to see more IELTS essays of Band 8

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Understanding the Challenges Young People Face in 2021 and Beyond

Every generation has its own struggles. However, it can sometimes be tough for one generation to relate to another. And understanding the anxieties and concerns of young people in 2021 is a minefield like no other. Whilst parents may want to understand and support their child, it can sometimes be difficult to know where to start. At Round Midnight, we work daily with young people and have identified some key challenges that they are facing today. This blog discusses these challenges; signposting parents and guardians towards things to consider when raising young people in 2021.

Education and Employment

Research conducted by YMCA found that 44% of young people have concerns about their studies and exam pressures. Moreover, education has become an area of a young person’s life rife with the pressures of competition. Academic standards are higher than ever as more people each year are expected to enter further education. Alongside academic excellence, students must prove that they are well-rounded individuals that have taken an array of extracurricular activities: perhaps taken on a job; accepted volunteering responsibilities; or entered internships.

And while that might have been pressure enough in recent years, now of course young people are having to develop high standard university applications while having lived the last academic year online. Their transferable skills of empathy and patience, and their tech skills benefiting from this, but perhaps their interpersonal and communicative skills suffering because of this necessary teaching strategy.

Despite more young people than ever gaining higher-level academic qualifications, there is a perception that young people are unprepared for work. And on top of this attitude, they are also paid less than previous generations. Particularly in the current pandemic, many young people preparing to leave school are facing uncertainties about what opportunities are out there regarding apprenticeships, internships and employment in general.

This leads itself to increased concerns about financial instability. As university and housing costs rise, young people are unable to easily chart a course for their future. Many young people are faced with remaining at home after school or university.

Mental Health Difficulties

We are currently facing a mental health crisis. More young people than ever are experiencing mental health difficulties. This can affect all areas of their life: home, school, friendships and relationships. There remains a stigma surrounding mental health and it is important that young people understand where to go for support. And while it is important for young people to know how to signpost others to the support that could help them, it is also important for those around young people to know the signs themselves . A recent study published by the NHS showed that mental disorders are on the rise amongst people under 19. Click here to learn more about young people’s mental health post-lockdown.

Social Media

The rise of technology has had a significant impact on the lives of young people. Technology can be an amazing tool, however, there are also concerns about how it impacts self-perception and privacy. While social media can be praised as a way to connect with both family and friends during difficult times, it is not without its drawbacks.

And while it is a way to share creative and fun ideas, the social media world is both complex and confusing, and poses significant risks. For instance, young people first navigating social media might be exposed to inappropriate or upsetting content that they are unprepared to witness.

Furthermore, developing an understanding of creating and maintaining positive relationships online is a huge task that some young people may not be ready for. Relationships formed online need to be navigated with at least some caution while not yet aware of the potential risks that are involved with the internet. And of course we have yet to mention the risk of exposure to cyberbullying, privacy issues, and a waning awareness of reality.

And while we are in our third national lockdown, it is not surprising that young people are turning to social media rather than reality. They are cut off from their friends and classmates, left only with the internet for company. Their friends, families and the influencers they follow are all likely to be posting the highlights of their lives rather than the lockdown realities meaning the perception of the people they know online is likely to be distorted somewhat. And of course, these misconceptions, and the glamorizing of a feigned reality can cause online problems to become all to real.

Police have warned that social media is going to be the cause in a rise of knife crime and gang violence once lockdown rules are lifted:

Peer Pressure

Socialising with and having the respect of your peers is important to young people. ‘Peer pressure’ relates to the role that others can have in influencing how an individual acts. Many children may think that they are missing out or not fitting in if they don’t go along with the crowd, or the strongest voice in that crowd. This desire to seek approval may encourage them to reinforce positive habits. However, it may also encourage them to partake in risk taking behavior such as drinking alcohol, taking drugs, or being exposed to gang crime: especially online via social media as we have mentioned. The rise of sites like TikTok, Instagram and even snapchat have all been linked to gang related and violent activities.

Parents need to support young people and help them to understand peer pressure and how it can be a force for both good and bad, depending on the peers a child is surrounded with, and those they follow online.

Body Image Anxieties

Body image anxieties impact the lives of many young people during puberty. With the rise of social media apps such as Instagram and Snapchat, images of bodies are shared constantly. Some images are said to be illustrating the reality of bodies in a movement know as #BodyPositivity . But some only show the filtered and edited versions of bodies that social media audiences are accustomed to expect. This can send mixed and confusing messages to young people about how they should look and the relationship they should build with their body. Research by YMCA found that more than half of young people (52%) regularly worry about the way they look.

Uncertainty

We are living in uncertain times: the global COVID-19 pandemic has impacted everybody’s lives differently, but the take away here is that it has impacted everybody . Uncertainty over the future is a major concern for many young people. The pandemic has highlighted and accentuated social inequalities, people are expressing deep financial concerns as we head further into a recession, and of course many young people are concerned about climate change. All of these issues are ones that they are understandably concerned with; and yet may also feel unprepared to deal with in their current, youthful, state. They may wish to turn to adults in order to learn how to put their best foot forward in such unprecedented times, but if those adults are all on social media, who is to say what real life help they are getting.

This list isn’t conclusive. Instead, it points to a few general areas that we feel are particularly important to consider as we begin 2021. It is important to note that challenges vary depending on income, geographic location, family structure etc. Furthermore, young people’s challenges are complex, so you should approach your child’s concerns with nuance and an open mind. Gaining a deeper understanding requires patience. As the adult in the conversation you should never assume that you know how young people feel, or that you ‘fully understand’ what they are experiencing. However, it remains important to try to support young people with whatever challenges they face in the best way possible.

At Round Midnight, we run workshops with parents and guardians to provide them with a greater understanding of what pressures young people may face, with a view to opening a dialogue with their children. And in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic, we are willing and able to work remotely to help parents, carers, guardians and teachers recognise when young people may be vulnerable to risk-taking behaviour and build confidence in care givers to help and intervene appropriately. Get in touch to find out more about the work we do with parents and teachers, both in person, and via completely remote sources.

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How youth contribute to healthy communities: finding and building on young people’s strengths.

Working with youth can be both challenging and rewarding. Often, programs and community efforts focus on young people’s challenging or risky behaviors. We forget that youth can be valuable assets to our communities. Youth have the potential to make a positive contribution to the community when they are given the support, guidance, and opportunities to use and strengthen their skills. People who work with youth need to learn to recognize their talents and assets and build on those qualities to improve outcomes for youth as well as the community. This publication can help you connect young people’s positive assets to programming methods, goals, and outcomes.

The Positive Youth Development Approach

Positive youth development is an approach that adults can use when working with adolescents to help create opportunities for healthy growth and development. It is different than other approaches to working with youth because it focuses on their positive qualities, or assets, rather than on how they might add risks to the community.

These assets can be either internal or external. Internal assets are qualities a young person has such as skills and ideas. External assets are more related to relationships and experiences. Mentors can foster both types of assets to help youth make positive contributions to their communities and show the community their potential to be beneficial and successful. The more assets a young person has, the more likely he or she is to have positive outcomes and fewer risky behaviors.

Developmental Assets of Youth

• Support:  positive communication and care from family, school, or neighbors
• Empowerment:  given useful roles and feelings of safety
• Boundaries and expectations:  clear rules and consequences; positive behaviors are modeled
• Constructive use of time:  involvement in structured activities like sports, arts, or religious activities
• Commitment to learning:  motivation and caring about doing well; reading and doing homework
• Positive values:  showing honesty and responsibility; caring for others
• Social competence:  good friendship and decision-making skills; comfortable with different people
• Positive identity:  high self-esteem and positive feelings about the future

Positive Youth Development Environment

To help youth learn to use their assets to play a positive role in the community, programs should focus on building the “five Cs” of positive youth development:

• Model decision-making skills, such as listing pros and cons and thinking about consequences.
• Give youth opportunities to practice making daily choices such as deciding what to eat or planning constructive activities for the day.
• Let youth teach a skill or talk about something important to them in front of others.
• Empower youth by verbally recognizing things they do well, whether they are leading a group activity or using good communication with others.
• Allow youth to practice responsibility by designating leadership roles for group projects.
• Guide youth in recognizing how their actions have helped someone else or how they can help find a solution to a problem.
• Create group activities where youth have to work together or with a mentor to complete a task, learning from each other’s ideas.
• Use volunteering projects to help youth interact with others who are different from themselves.
• Promote positive values by creating opportunities for youth to practice empathy and caring through role-playing or volunteer opportunities.
• Teach youth to practice self-care and set healthy boundaries for themselves and others. For example, guide them in practicing telling someone how they feel or that something is bothering them.

Expanding young people’s skills and building their confidence and competence can lead to higher GPAs, less aggression and violence, higher life satisfaction, better mental health, and fewer risky behaviors. When young people pair their assets with supportive resources and opportunities to interact with others, they make positive contributions to their communities. Youth can connect with diverse groups of people in their communities through volunteering and outreach. This gives them a better understanding of how a community is made up of people with different beliefs and needs.

As youth use their assets in productive ways to interact with others, they grow in their ability to recognize ways they can contribute to their environment and make a difference. Youth who have confidence in their abilities and know how to turn their ideas into plans can become productive leaders who initiate action to solve problems in their communities. Ultimately, programs with a positive youth development approach build the five Cs of competence, confidence, character, connection, and caring, which can lead to a sixth C—contribution to self, family, community, and institutions of civil society.

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Family and Youth Services Bureau

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Office of Population Affairs

Benson, P. L. (1990).  The troubled journey: A portrait of 6th-12th grade youth . Minneapolis, MN: Search Institute.

Benson, P. L., & Scales, P. C. (2009). Positive youth development and the prevention of youth aggression and violence.  European Journal of Developmental Science, 3 (3), 218–234.

Benson, P. L., Scales, P. C., & Syvertsen, A. K. (2011). The contribution of the developmental assets framework to positive youth development theory and practice. In R. M. Lerner, J. V. Learner, & J. B. Benson (Eds.),  Advances in child development and behavior  (Vol. 41, pp. 197–230). London, UK: Elsevier.

Family and Youth Services Bureau. (2012).  What is positive youth development?

Jain, S., Buka, S. L., Subramanian, S. V., & Molnar, B. E. (2012). Protective factors for youth exposed to violence: Role of developmental assets in building emotional resilience.  Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice, 10 (1), 107–129.

Lerner, R. M., Lerner, J. V., & Benson, J. B. (2011). Positive youth development: Research and applications for promoting thriving in adolescence. In R. M. Lerner, J. V. Lerner, & J. B. Benson (Eds.),  Advances in child development and behavior  (Vol. 41, pp. 1–13). London, UK: Elsevier.

Soares, A. S., Pais-Ribeiro, J. L., & Silva, I. (2019). Developmental assets predictors of life satisfaction in adolescents.  Frontiers in Psychology, 10 .

Publication 3504  (POD-09-23)

By Kayla Wenth, Doctoral Candidate, Human Development and Family Sciences; and  Donna J. Peterson , PhD, Extension Professor, Human Sciences.

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Are Young People's Social Skills Declining?

New research eases fear of technology’s negative impact on youth..

Posted April 15, 2020 | Reviewed by Gary Drevitch

For more than a decade, adults have argued that technology is having a detrimental effect on young people's social skills. New research may clear up this debate.

Theories about how children and teens have lost their ability to communicate effectively due to technology have become popularized and circulated widely on social media by authors with little evidence to back up their assertions. Research has reinforced this speculation too, including a UCLA study that conducted an experiment with 51 sixth-graders for five days, hardly a large enough sample for reliable conclusions.

One fact that most people agree upon is the importance of social skills to young people's life success. If social skills are truly declining, then researchers should be sounding the alarm. But are they? In the latest edition of the American Journal of Sociology , researchers compared parents’ and teachers’ perceptions of children’s social skills from data collected in three longitudinal studies (Downey & Gibbs, 2020).

This new study, led by Douglas Downey of Ohio State University, is the first to take a deeper dive into a large, representative sample of American youth during years when children’s use of the internet at home increased substantially. Aimed at answering the question, “Are children’s social skills declining?” researchers used statistics collected by the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study of 1998 and 2010 and the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988. In all, more than 60,000 K-8 children were represented.

In each study, teachers and parents were asked questions related to children’s social skills, including their ability to form and maintain friendships, express feelings in positive ways, and get along with people different from themselves. The same questions were asked of teachers and parents over the 12-year span.

From 1998 to 2010, teacher perceptions of children’s social skills remained relatively unchanged, as did their evaluation of kid’s self-control . The same pattern of perceptions continued as children progressed through first, third, and fifth grades. In fact, teachers rated children’s social skills slightly higher in 2010 than in 1998.

A similar narrative was reported by parents. Parents rated their children’s social skills much as teachers had, with slightly higher evaluations at the end of the 12-year period than at the beginning.

The bottom line is that no decline in social skills was noted by teachers or parents during this period of increased internet activity.

Social Skills Are One Aspect of Thriving

While this new study presents a reassuring picture that social skills have not suffered as the result of technology use, it is important to note that sociability is only one aspect of thriving. Abilities like resilience , self-awareness, and resourcefulness, among others, play an integral role in child and adolescent development.

A growing number of scholars are studying these and other developmental attributes of thriving, including the potentially positive effects of internet usage on children. For example, researchers have observed how email and social media help students build and maintain social networks. New media can enhance existing friendships, negotiate parent-child relationships, and link kids to online interest-driven groups that boost their creativity .

Recent research about graphic animations (GIF’s) suggest these images can convey nuanced and complex layers of meaning that are not possible with text-only or face-to-face communication. Hence, studies are beginning to show that people may overestimate the negative consequences of technology, not only on social skills but in other areas as well. In fact, studies suggest that new technologies may be enabling more effective face-to-face connections.

Why Social Skills Are Not Declining

Downey and his associate reflected on the results of their study, asking, “Why did children’s face-to-face social skills not decline in the way most would have expected?”

They believe that “moral panic ” over the predicted consequences of new technology led adults to believe that children’s social skills were in a free fall. This belief implied the assumption that sociability evolves in a linear manner. For example, if one believes that more time on the internet leads to fewer face-to-face interactions, one might also believe a decline in social skills will follow.

Kids develop social skills in much more complex and nonlinear ways. The internet may reduce social skills in some ways and promote them in others. It is not a zero-sum experience.

A 1998 study initially showed a negative relationship between kids’ screen time and social skills, including an increase in depression and loneliness . A follow-up study by the same researchers in 2002 no longer found those negative associations. Why?

The change in data may suggest that as children have become more adept at using technology, the negative consequences have diminished. Rather than undermining social relationships, the authors suggest that “screen-based technologies may be better understood as providing a new platform by which children seek autonomy from parents, develop group norms and sanction peers, build and maintain identities, and in some ways, develop social skills.”

Based on this study, should children’s screen time be limited? If parents are concerned with a decline in children’s social skills, this study shows no evidence that limiting screen time would have meaningful benefit.

That said, there may be other good reasons to limit screen time. There are many differing opinions and research, including surprising insights from teens on the disadvantages of social networking and internet usage.

Downey, D. B., & Gibbs, B. G. (2020). Kids these days: Are face-to-face social skills among American children declining? American Journal of Sociology , 125(4), 1030-1083.

Kraut, R., Kiesler, S, Boneva, B., Cummings, J., Helgeson, V., and Crawford, A. (2002). Internet paradox revisited . Journal of Social Issues 58 (1): 49–74.

Kraut, R., Patterson, M., Lundmark, V., Kiesler, S., Mukophadhyay, T., and Scherlis, W. (1998). Internet paradox: A social technology that reduces social involvement and psychological well-being? American Psychologis t 53 (9):

Miltner, K. M., and Highfield, T. (2017). Never gonna GIF you up: Analyzing the cultural significance of the animated GIF, Social Media1 Society 3 (3).

Uhls, Y. T., Michikyan, M., Morris, J., Garcia, D., Small, G. W., Zgourou, E., & Greenfield, P. M. (2014). Five days at outdoor education camp without screens improves preteen skills with nonverbal emotion cues. Computers in Human Behavior , 39, 387-392.

Marilyn Price-Mitchell, Ph.D., is an Institute for Social Innovation Fellow at Fielding Graduate University and author of Tomorrow’s Change Makers.

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How Youth Can Help Solve the World’s Toughest Problems

March 30, 2018 • 15 min read.

Innovative ideas from young people are driving the successful targeting of poverty, hunger, climate change and health issues.

The World Bank's Mahmoud Mohieldin and Wharton senior fellow Djordjija Petkoski look at how strategic partnerships and innovative ideas from young people are playing a crucial role in tackling global issues.

Strategic partnerships and innovative ideas from young people are playing a crucial role in achieving the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) adopted by the United Nations in 2015 with the ambitious aim to end poverty and hunger, reduce inequality and tackle climate change. In a conversation with Knowledge at Wharton, Mahmoud Mohieldin, senior vice president for the 2030 Development Agenda, United Nations Relations, and Partnerships at the World Bank Group, and Djordjija Petkoski, a senior fellow at the Zicklin Center for Business Ethics Research at Wharton, discuss why programs such as Ideas for Action , a joint initiative of the World Bank Group and the Zicklin Center, are important tools to engage young people in development issues.

An edited transcript of the conversation follows.

Knowledge at Wharton: Mahmoud, where do things stand in terms of the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)?

Mahmoud Mohieldin: If you measure it by the number of presentations and submissions to the United Nations System through ministers of finance and development, it is on the increase. Many more countries have committed to presenting their plans for the 2030 agenda this year. That will bring the total of submissions and presentations to more than 110 countries. That’s more than half of the membership of the U.N., which is 193 countries.

If you look at the practical level — at how many countries have done better in terms of designing their own national plans, designing their own budgets to deal with the SDGs — I would say not all of those who submitted have done that. There is always a difference between what’s actually happening and the official presentations and the measure of that is how many countries have incorporated the SDGs in their budgets. You will be surprised to see that only a very small number of countries have done that so far. The justification could be that it’s only the third year since the launching of the SDGs, that some of the lines of business are continuing, but without naming or renaming them under the new SDGs. But coming from a finance institution, we take matters more seriously when we see that government plans are reflected in their budget priorities.

The third level, which is more important than the other two, is the local level. To what extent have you seen improvements in people’s lives, or in the policies and institutions addressing their concerns since the launch of the SDGs in 2015? The SDGs are about more inclusive growth, better social development, and better consideration for environment and climate change issues. Again, not all countries have done that at the local level.

“Coming from a finance institution, we take matters more seriously when we see that government plans are reflected in their budget priorities.” –Mahmoud Mohieldin

There are some good, bright cases. I was in Colombia recently and saw good progress there. There are other Latin American countries, including Mexico, which have taken this issue seriously. There are countries in the East, like China, Vietnam, Korea and Japan, which have good investments in the connection between the central level and the local level. India has done well on that front, as well. In Africa, there are many issues that are constraining governments, but countries like Rwanda are doing very well. This doesn’t mean that others are not doing well. I’m trying to give examples of exceptional progress in terms of the commitment of the leadership and translating this commitment into localized solutions.

Knowledge at Wharton: Are you happy with the progress until now?

Mohieldin: It depends on the performance at the country level. It’s not my happiness but the people’s happiness that matters here. If there is improvement at the local level, if people are more engaged, and if one can see better impact on reduction of poverty, improvement on health and education services, and the rest of the 17 goals, every development agency and its staff like me are happy with the progress.

Knowledge at Wharton: Djordjija, one of the initiatives that you and the Zicklin Center have been collaborating on with the World Bank Group and other partners is Ideas for Action, which is a way to inspire young people to come up with ideas to make the SDGs a reality. How is that program coming along?

Djordjija Petkoski : Last year we were surprised because we doubled the proposals. This year we tripled the proposals. This clearly demonstrates tremendous interest from young people to be part of this process, to own the process, and at the same time, to come up with actionable ideas. What Mahmoud was referring to is that the government is signaling commitment to these issues, but the implementation will not happen just because the government engages. You have to engage the private sector. You have to engage young entrepreneurs. And that is what we want to do. In addition to students, we have young entrepreneurs and young professionals. They are not only putting pressure, they are also making the CEOs of their companies comfortable that they have young people working for them who can come up with innovative ideas.

We have over 2,100 proposals. The number of teams was four times higher than that. We had examples of business associations like the German-Brazilian Chamber of Commerce which utilized the network of companies to engage the young professionals to generate ideas. In Eastern Europe, a pharmaceutical company called Hemofarm used this as a platform not only to generate ideas to make itself more sustainable, but also to communicate to the government that corporations can get engaged if they have additional and critical knowledge of how to deal with these issues.

Knowledge at Wharton: What are some of the reasons that drove this increase in participation?

Petkoski: I think it’s the philosophy of the program — that it is not just about competition. It is a platform for learning, a platform for exchanging knowledge and for building critical local partnerships. We have made some major breakthroughs, for example in Egypt, and that was driven by the Ideas for Action Egypt Club. A major breakthrough in Nigeria was driven by the Ideas for Action African Club.

Knowledge at Wharton: Mahmoud, how does the Ideas for Action program fit in with what you and the World Bank are trying to achieve with the SDGs?

Mohieldin: One of the main things that came out from the U.N. discussions on the SDGs and one of the main things that we are pushing at the Bank is the issue of partnerships. It’s one of the goals of the Sustainable Development Agenda. In our case, it’s about how to rely on our own competitive advantage when it comes to finance or knowledge, but realizing as well that others have their own competitive advantages in their fields. For example, partnership with Wharton as a place of excellence for knowledge and academia, partnerships with the business sector, partnerships with young people who have their own ideas and their own ways of challenging the status quo.

“Implementation will not happen just because the government engages. You have to engage the private sector. You have to engage young entrepreneurs.” — Djordjija Petkoski

The Ideas for Action initiative actually started from here. I was invited by Djordjija four years ago to one of his classes. Based on the exchange of ideas and discussions, I called him on my way back to Washington, D.C., and said, “Why don’t we start having all of these ideas deinstitutionalized rather than having them come out from a seminar or a lecture? Let’s not limit it to Wharton. Let’s make it a big platform.” And so the idea developed. This is the fourth year. We have thousands of participants from around the world, from more than 120 countries, coming with their proposals.

Knowledge at Wharton: Do you think that it is primarily the developing countries that should be focusing on the SDGs, or is this also something for the developed countries to focus on?

Mohieldin: The main thing about the SDGs, in comparison to its predecessor the MDGs or the Millennium Development Goals which ended in 2015, is that the previous goals were mainly focusing on the developing countries, on human development. They had only eight goals. The new and the more challenging aspect of the SDGs is its universality. They are addressing the challenges in the poorest of the countries as well as the challenges of progress and maintaining what you have and improving on it in the most advanced of the economies.

Knowledge at Wharton: Djordjija, how do you select which are the best ideas that should be focused on and prioritized?

Petkoski: Those who make the selections are very motivated to do it. It’s an opportunity for them to understand the ground realities. People from the International Finance Corporation (IFC) or the World Bank who select the projects in a particular country get a pretty clear idea of what, from young people’s perspectives, are priorities for these countries. There are different layers of selection, and in each layer the young people get feedback on how to improve their proposals. So it’s a mutual learning process. The final proposals end up in the book which is published by the World Bank. So, yes, the selection takes time. But if you don’t look at it as a mechanical process, but as a process of learning and providing feedback for those who are participating, it’s very fulfilling.

Knowledge at Wharton: How do you see the role of innovation, and science and technology in the implementation of the SDGs and also in the ideas that are proposed through initiatives like Ideas for Action?

Mohieldin: The STI, or science, technology and innovation, were included in the documents of Addis [Addis Ababa Action Agenda], which are basically the documents relating to the implementation of the SDGs. There is a full chapter on that. Addis happened in July 2015. But because of the fast changes that are happening in the areas of science and technology and innovation, and the discussions about the implications of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, if you were to write this chapter today, it would be completely different in terms of how to handle it, the kinds of partnerships required. In the Addis Agenda, it would seem that it was primarily the responsibility of the government — perhaps to partner with centers of excellence and the private sector. In reality, you can see who is driving the change. Yes, government is involved in different aspects. It can incubate and support and give a good platform for the flourishing of new ideas and better technological solutions. But it is the private sector businesses and academia which are behind all of these new ideas.

I think rather than dealing with STI as a separate sector, it should be mainstreamed and integrated in every aspect of work, including how to get better data by using big data solutions and other means to get better evidence of what works and what doesn’t work. In finance, we must consider how we look at the use of technology — mobile money, crowdfunding, new technologies like blockchain with its good and as well as controversial outcomes. Or, how can technology enable a hospital or a clinic in a remote village to get the best ideas and solutions in health care from the U.S.?

Knowledge at Wharton: Djordjija, from your perspective of the Ideas for Action program, how do you see the role of academic institutions in making these kinds of initiatives successful?

Petkoski: Let me step back before directly answering that question. Recently, the Zicklin Center organized an event related to blockchain. There was an interesting presentation from a colleague from MIT who said, “Most of the destructive innovations in this space come from people between 24 and 28 years old.” So you ask the question, “What kind of education did they get before they got there?”

“Rather than dealing with science and technology and innovation as a separate sector, it should be mainstreamed and integrated in every aspect of work.” –Mahmoud Mohieldin

I think from an academic perspective we have at least two challenges. One is to go beyond the traditional boundaries, because in the space of blockchain you see people from the technology side and also lawyers to make sure that they don’t get in trouble. But business people are not there. I would argue that there is a disconnect between the most exciting technological solutions and the real needs on the ground that they can address. I think that Silicon Valley is already feeling it. There are no major new ideas coming from there because there is no major change in terms of identifying the problems that can be handled.

On the academia side, one big benefit of this whole initiative is that while we capture the reality on the ground, we also get an understanding of what are the gaps in terms of knowledge and skills that these young people face when they deal with these ground realities. For academics, identifying these gaps is a good reminder that they need to be more focused and careful about how we are preparing the next generation of leaders and entrepreneurs.

Knowledge at Wharton: Mahmoud, could you share your thoughts on how innovation and science and technology cannot only empower women, but also bring about greater gender parity around the world?

Mohieldin: The problems related to inequality, discrepancy and unfairness against women are not just in the developing countries, but in many of the advanced economies as well. One of the new initiatives that we are trying to develop and launch during the spring meetings of the World Bank and the IMF in April this year is to link the SDGs to women entrepreneurs. The program is called SDGs and Her. It is in partnership with the Zicklin Center and the Wharton Business School, and with the U.N. System, through the participation of the United Nations Development Programme, U.N. Women, a variety of economic commissions of the U.N. System and the business sector.

We are focusing on the roles of women as entrepreneurs and how through their own micro-enterprises they are investing their time, their efforts and their talents in order to bring some solutions to the poverty of their families and the poverty of their neighborhoods.

Knowledge at Wharton: Djordjija, how would this fit in with the work that you’re already doing for Ideas for Action? Where would you like to see this initiative go?

Petkoski: There is a tremendous complementarity because many proposals we receive are from young girls and women. Also, through this engagement, we would like to utilize [Ideas for Action] not just as a competition for good ideas or for recognizing women who have been successful so far, but also for utilizing the resources that Wharton and other academic institutions have — to provide a platform where they can better equip themselves to take a leadership role.

You cannot separate the fact that women are not equally paid — in parallel we have to address: Are they equally equipped? Do they have an opportunity to get access to knowledge that will make them more creative and more productive? And it’s not just about the women, it’s about their families, about encouraging their daughters to get in this space. So, from our perspective, this is something we would like to take up strongly.

Knowledge at Wharton: Over the next 12 to 24 months, how would you like Ideas for Action and the SDGs and Her initiative to progress, and what contribution would you like to see them make to the SDGs around the world?

Mohieldin: Next year will be the fifth year for Ideas for Action, so we hope for more progress in terms of both quantity and quality. We are happy with the enormous progress in quantity, and we hope to reach not just the 120 plus countries, but the whole membership of the World Bank and the U.N. System.

We are also very much impressed by the quality. We need more in terms of having ideas that can become workable and scalable solutions. Regarding SDGs and Her, while it is following in the good footsteps of the Ideas for Action, given the importance of the role of women — especially young women — and micro-enterprises in the economy, we need to see a big start for this initiative.

Petkoski : I would like to go beyond the heroic entrepreneurs, people who have changed the world, solved global problems. We would like to see more progress at the local level, initiatives which are driven at the local level, solving specific local problems, because that will be a key contribution to solving the bigger problems.

What I’m really after is more in terms of implementation, and through that implementation, shaping the ecosystem inside the country, and even below the local level, so that more ideas — not necessarily generated through Ideas for Action — have a chance to succeed.

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Young people's relationship to technology? It's complicated

Several youth suggested that without the phone, they lacked the confidence to solve basic problems. Image:  REUTERS/Yuya Shino

.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo{-webkit-transition:all 0.15s ease-out;transition:all 0.15s ease-out;cursor:pointer;-webkit-text-decoration:none;text-decoration:none;outline:none;color:inherit;}.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo:hover,.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo[data-hover]{-webkit-text-decoration:underline;text-decoration:underline;}.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo:focus,.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo[data-focus]{box-shadow:0 0 0 3px rgba(168,203,251,0.5);} Kate C Tilleczek

.chakra .wef-9dduvl{margin-top:16px;margin-bottom:16px;line-height:1.388;font-size:1.25rem;}@media screen and (min-width:56.5rem){.chakra .wef-9dduvl{font-size:1.125rem;}} Explore and monitor how .chakra .wef-15eoq1r{margin-top:16px;margin-bottom:16px;line-height:1.388;font-size:1.25rem;color:#F7DB5E;}@media screen and (min-width:56.5rem){.chakra .wef-15eoq1r{font-size:1.125rem;}} Civic Participation is affecting economies, industries and global issues

.chakra .wef-1nk5u5d{margin-top:16px;margin-bottom:16px;line-height:1.388;color:#2846F8;font-size:1.25rem;}@media screen and (min-width:56.5rem){.chakra .wef-1nk5u5d{font-size:1.125rem;}} Get involved with our crowdsourced digital platform to deliver impact at scale

Stay up to date:, technological transformation.

Young people are now fully ensconced in the digital age as it whirls around and within them .

This is the epoch of the Anthropocene — the age of humans, wherein a technological worldview and human tools hold the central place in re-shaping the earth and its people . It’s also a time when 1.8 billion youth make up the largest generation of 10 to 24 year olds in human history with 50 per cent of the world’s population under 30 years of age .

I have investigated the lives of young people for nearly three decades. I am interested in how young people are living today when our planet has been driven to fragility by consumption trends intimately related to the rise of mass production made possible through technologies.

Digital technologies have been too frequently adopted into schools with use and guideline policies that haven’t considered long-term environmental , health or ethical impacts: today, equity concerns have moved beyond worrying that poorer children don’t have devices to grappling with what it means if wealthy developers are raising children tech-free .

Researchers focused on the Global South have highlighted how access to technology has been driven by commercial interests and data about outcomes is generated by people who stand to profit . Those who care for youth must find new ways to determine if there are any potential benefits for youth when living immersed in digital technology — particularly because interventions to distribute more technology can compound rather than remove existing inequalities .

With my Young Lives Research Lab team based at York University, I conducted a five-year study of youth and the digital age by analyzing 185 narrative accounts we collected from young people (ages 16-24) in Canada, Australia and Scotland . From these accounts, it’s clear to me they don’t think technology is the panacea for well-being it was once argued to be .

Left to their own devices

Today, when digital surveillance is higher than ever, there is a hollowing out of learning, a shallowness that comes with abuses of privacy and surveillance and from a loss of cherished human contact .

Young people say that digital tools and ways of living are morphing beyond recognition. They live a deep modern techno-paradox and are left to their own devices (pardon the pun) to sort it out. They worry about what digital media is doing to the children they observe.

Naomi, one youth particiapant, highlighted a feeling of vulnerability:

“Most of their apps and social media apps are geared towards our age group because I feel like you can do the most … I don’t know why, it feels like they want to make us do damage. I don’t know who ‘they’ even is , but I feel like we’re just the most vulnerable crowd for them to zone in on, and for them to get as much as they possibly can out of us for their benefit.”

Earth stood still

As part of our youth study, my collaborator Ron Srigley designed and analyzed an inquiry whereby youth lived without their phones for a week. Ron’s chapter in Youth in the Digital Age: Paradox, Promise, Predicament reported the findings from this empirical inquiry.

Youth described a loss of human contact, finding more freedom and focus and having a chance to consider ethical and moral problems of living on mobile phones, apps and media. One comment was typical:

“My mom thought it was great that I did not have my phone because I paid more attention to her while she was talking.”

One youth noticed that simply walking “by strangers in the hallway or when I passed them on the street” caused almost everyone to take “out their phone right before I could gain eye contact with them.”

Several youth suggested that without the phone, they lacked the confidence to solve basic problems or feared for their safety:

“Believe it or not I had to walk up to a stranger and ask what time it was. It honestly took me a lot of guts and confidence to ask someone.”

“Another thing I didn’t like about not having a cellphone that made me kind of scared at times was if someone were to attack me or kidnap me … I really wouldn’t be in any position to get help for myself …”

Youth reported a heightened awareness of a sense of acute conflict of missing instant online connection.

One person said living without their phone was “like the Earth stood still.”

Upgrades to people

In both the “no-phone experiment” and the other in-depth interviews, youth expressed both a deeply ingrained and taken-for-granted connection to their phones, while simultaneously feeling despair about a foreboding sense of technology taking over human lives .

As Easton stated:

“I think humans are going to become the new technology, and companies are going to be selling upgrades to people.”

Or, as Piper recounted:

“It’s good that technology is advancing fast because then maybe it will help some for a good cause. But also then there’s the downside of … how do you control it?”

Digital lives and wellness

Have we lost sight of the emotional, spiritual and physical well-being of youth?

Young people in our research asked that adults better attend to the myriad ways in which the digital age affects the well-being of youth. They showed how digital media affects all aspects of their lives in which well-being is measured such as health, education and social relationships .

More interesting is that they said new analyses about the depth and paradox of young digital lives is required if we are to fully understand youth wellness .

Have you read?

Why we need to rethink our relationship with technology, could wearable tech change our relationships with doctors.

As one result of what I heard from the youth in our study, I am now involved in a global research network concerned with youth and the Anthropocene . This network is investigating what it’s like to be young now and how young people navigate wellness in this fragile time.

Researchers in this network have connected with the help of digital media — while raising concerns about the technological and capitalistic worldview from within which these tools are born.

It is time to ask whether and how societies will support youth wellness in the Anthropocene and digital age. To do this well, we must engage and listen to young people.

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The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone and not the World Economic Forum.

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Essay on Modern Youth or The Problems of Young People

Essay problems of young people for matric, intermediate, 2nd year, fa, fsc, ba and bsc.

Here is an essay on Modern Youth for students of different classes. You can write the same essay under the title Essay on Problems of Young People, Modern Youth Essay, Essay on the youth today and problems of modern youth. In this essay, we will discuss the Youth age, their problems, causes and what they want.

The Modern Youth for Class 10, Class 12, graduation and other classes

The man has various phases of life, childhood youth and old age. The years of childhood and boyhood are a period free from earnestness and cares of life It is only in youth that one comes to taste some of the realities of life. To be young is indeed very thrilling. It is a period of lite when the physical mental and spiritual powers of a man near maturity. These powers bloom and flourish in a free and unrestrained atmosphere.

The young man is conscious of overgrowing energy and power. He is hopeful optimist and ambitious. He wants to tap all the sources of world and intends to become the king of all he surveys. The boundless aspirations and ideals are the very essence of youth A young man is passionate. He lives in the present and is unmindful of the future. He rushes in where angels fear to tread. He is thoughtless and foolish in many of his actions. He lacks experience and maturity. He sows wild oats and commits many blunders. We can say that youth is a period of irresponsibility.

The modern young man has become a rebel to society. He does not accept the normal moral values of society. He loves violence and wants to lead a life of freedom. Everywhere in the world, the young man is seen confronting the forces of law and order. He is the great enemy of accepted values of society. In the newspapers, we read, news about their clashes with police. They bring out processions and address public meetings. Their expression of revolt takes different shapes. They drive their vehicles fast. They keep long hair and smoke before their parents, teachers and elders. Everywhere in the world, they are fighting for a change.

The causes of their revolt are quite obvious.

First, they are against the unjust economic and social order Majority of the people are getting a little. They are against the deep hatred which lies among different countries. They want to have a better world. They want to promote international understanding among different nations of the world. They want peace, justice and order in the world. They are against modern materialistic trends of the world. They are against hypocrisy insincerity and falsehood in every field of life.

Secondly, they find that the conditions existing in the field of education are not favourable. There exists many disciplinary laws and rules which control their activities. They do not enjoy proper freedom in universities and colleges to promote their healthy activities. Moreover, after getting the education, they do not get jobs according to their ability and qualification. They demand an end to artificial barriers between the students and teachers. They are very sensitive to cheating and fraud that is practised in the examinations. The youth nowadays is also not satisfied with the courses and syllabus of teaching. These factors are responsible for their unrest and revolt.

Essay on Dreams is also here and you can try after Essay on Modern Youth

• More In English Essays

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Article Contents

Introduction.

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Young people and healthy eating: a systematic review of research on barriers and facilitators

• Article contents
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J Shepherd, A Harden, R Rees, G Brunton, J Garcia, S Oliver, A Oakley, Young people and healthy eating: a systematic review of research on barriers and facilitators, Health Education Research , Volume 21, Issue 2, 2006, Pages 239–257, https://doi.org/10.1093/her/cyh060

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A systematic review was conducted to examine the barriers to, and facilitators of, healthy eating among young people (11–16 years). The review focused on the wider determinants of health, examining community- and society-level interventions. Seven outcome evaluations and eight studies of young people's views were included. The effectiveness of the interventions was mixed, with improvements in knowledge and increases in healthy eating but differences according to gender. Barriers to healthy eating included poor school meal provision and ease of access to, relative cheapness of and personal taste preferences for fast food. Facilitators included support from family, wider availability of healthy foods, desire to look after one's appearance and will-power. Friends and teachers were generally not a common source of information. Some of the barriers and facilitators identified by young people had been addressed by soundly evaluated effective interventions, but significant gaps were identified where no evaluated interventions appear to have been published (e.g. better labelling of food products), or where there were no methodologically sound evaluations. Rigorous evaluation is required particularly to assess the effectiveness of increasing the availability of affordable healthy food in the public and private spaces occupied by young people.

Healthy eating contributes to an overall sense of well-being, and is a cornerstone in the prevention of a number of conditions, including heart disease, diabetes, high blood pressure, stroke, cancer, dental caries and asthma. For children and young people, healthy eating is particularly important for healthy growth and cognitive development. Eating behaviours adopted during this period are likely to be maintained into adulthood, underscoring the importance of encouraging healthy eating as early as possible [ 1 ]. Guidelines recommend consumption of at least five portions of fruit and vegetables a day, reduced intakes of saturated fat and salt and increased consumption of complex carbohydrates [ 2, 3 ]. Yet average consumption of fruit and vegetables in the UK is only about three portions a day [ 4 ]. A survey of young people aged 11–16 years found that nearly one in five did not eat breakfast before going to school [ 5 ]. Recent figures also show alarming numbers of obese and overweight children and young people [ 6 ]. Discussion about how to tackle the ‘epidemic’ of obesity is currently high on the health policy agenda [ 7 ], and effective health promotion remains a key strategy [ 8–10 ].

Evidence for the effectiveness of interventions is therefore needed to support policy and practice. The aim of this paper is to report a systematic review of the literature on young people and healthy eating. The objectives were

(i) to undertake a ‘systematic mapping’ of research on the barriers to, and facilitators of, healthy eating among young people, especially those from socially excluded groups (e.g. low-income, ethnic minority—in accordance with government health policy);

(ii) to prioritize a subset of studies to systematically review ‘in-depth’;

(iii) to ‘synthesize’ what is known from these studies about the barriers to, and facilitators of, healthy eating with young people, and how these can be addressed and

(iv) to identify gaps in existing research evidence.

General approach

This study followed standard procedures for a systematic review [ 11, 12 ]. It also sought to develop a novel approach in three key areas.

First, it adopted a conceptual framework of ‘barriers’ to and ‘facilitators’ of health. Research findings about the barriers to, and facilitators of, healthy eating among young people can help in the development of potentially effective intervention strategies. Interventions can aim to modify or remove barriers and use or build upon existing facilitators. This framework has been successfully applied in other related systematic reviews in the area of healthy eating in children [ 13 ], physical activity with children [ 14 ] and young people [ 15 ] and mental health with young people [16; S. Oliver, A. Harden, R. Rees, J. Shepherd, G. Brunton and A. Oakley, manuscript in preparation].

Second, the review was carried out in two stages: a systematic search for, and mapping of, literature on healthy eating with young people, followed by an in-depth systematic review of the quality and findings of a subset of these studies. The rationale for a two-stage review to ensure the review was as relevant as possible to users. By mapping a broad area of evidence, the key characteristics of the extant literature can be identified and discussed with review users, with the aim of prioritizing the most relevant research areas for systematic in-depth analysis [ 17, 18 ].

Third, the review utilized a ‘mixed methods’ triangulatory approach. Data from effectiveness studies (‘outcome evaluations’, primarily quantitative data) were combined with data from studies which described young people's views of factors influencing their healthy eating in negative or positive ways (‘views’ studies, primarily qualitative). We also sought data on young people's perceptions of interventions when these had been collected alongside outcomes data in outcome evaluations. However, the main source of young people's views was surveys or interview-based studies that were conducted independently of intervention evaluation (‘non-intervention’ research). The purpose was to enable us to ascertain not just whether interventions are effective, but whether they address issues important to young people, using their views as a marker of appropriateness. Few systematic reviews have attempted to synthesize evidence from both intervention and non-intervention research: most have been restricted to outcome evaluations. This study therefore represents one of the few attempts that have been made to date to integrate different study designs into systematic reviews of effectiveness [ 19–22 ].

Literature searching

A highly sensitive search strategy was developed to locate potentially relevant studies. A wide range of terms for healthy eating (e.g. nutrition, food preferences, feeding behaviour, diets and health food) were combined with health promotion terms or general or specific terms for determinants of health or ill-health (e.g. health promotion, behaviour modification, at-risk-populations, sociocultural factors and poverty) and with terms for young people (e.g. adolescent, teenager, young adult and youth). A number of electronic bibliographic databases were searched, including Medline, EMBASE, The Cochrane Library, PsycINFO, ERIC, Social Science Citation Index, CINAHL, BiblioMap and HealthPromis. The searches covered the full range of publication years available in each database up to 2001 (when the review was completed).

Full reports of potentially relevant studies identified from the literature search were obtained and classified (e.g. in terms of specific topic area, context, characteristics of young people, research design and methodological attributes).

Inclusion screening

Inclusion criteria were developed and applied to each study. The first round of screening was to identify studies to populate the map. To be included, a study had to (i) focus on healthy eating; (ii) include young people aged 11–16 years; (iii) be about the promotion of healthy eating, and/or the barriers to, or facilitators of, healthy eating; (iv) be a relevant study type: (a) an outcome evaluation or (b) a non-intervention study (e.g. cohort or case control studies, or interview studies) conducted in the UK only (to maximize relevance to UK policy and practice) and (v) be published in the English language.

The results of the map, which are reported in greater detail elsewhere [ 23 ], were used to prioritize a subset of policy relevant studies for the in-depth systematic review.

A second round of inclusion screening was performed. As before, all studies had to have healthy eating as their main focus and include young people aged 11–16 years. In addition, outcome evaluations had toFor a non-intervention study to be included it had to

(i) use a comparison or control group; report pre- and post-intervention data and, if a non-randomized trial, equivalent on sociodemographic characteristics and pre-intervention outcome variables (demonstrating their ‘potential soundness’ in advance of further quality assessment);

(ii) report an intervention that aims to make a change at the community or society level and

(iii) measure behavioural and/or physical health status outcomes.

(i) examine young people's attitudes, opinions, beliefs, feelings, understanding or experiences about healthy eating (rather than solely examine health status, behaviour or factual knowledge);

(ii) access views about one or more of the following: young people's definitions of and/or ideas about healthy eating, factors influencing their own or other young people's healthy eating and whether and how young people think healthy eating can be promoted and

(iii) privilege young people's views—presenting views directly as data that are valuable and interesting in themselves, rather than only as a route to generating variables to be tested in a predictive or causal model.

Non-intervention studies published before 1990 were excluded in order to maximize the relevance of the review findings to current policy issues.

Data extraction and quality assessment

All studies meeting inclusion criteria underwent data extraction and quality assessment, using a standardized framework [ 24 ]. Data for each study were entered independently by two researchers into a specialized computer database [ 25 ] (the full and final data extraction and quality assessment judgement for each study in the in-depth systematic review can be viewed on the Internet by visiting http://eppi.ioe.ac.uk ).

Outcome evaluations were considered methodologically ‘sound’ if they reported:Only studies meeting these criteria were used to draw conclusions about effectiveness. The results of the studies which did not meet these quality criteria were judged unclear.

(i) a control or comparison group equivalent to the intervention group on sociodemographic characteristics and pre-intervention outcome variables.

(ii) pre-intervention data for all individuals or groups recruited into the evaluation;

(iii) post-intervention data for all individuals or groups recruited into the evaluation and

(iv) on all outcomes, as described in the aims of the intervention.

Non-intervention studies were assessed according to a total of seven criteria (common to sets of criteria proposed by four research groups for qualitative research [ 26–29 ]):

(i) an explicit account of theoretical framework and/or the inclusion of a literature review which outlined a rationale for the intervention;

(ii) clearly stated aims and objectives;

(iii) a clear description of context which includes detail on factors important for interpreting the results;

(iv) a clear description of the sample;

(v) a clear description of methodology, including systematic data collection methods;

(vi) analysis of the data by more than one researcher and

(vii) the inclusion of sufficient original data to mediate between data and interpretation.

Data synthesis

Three types of analyses were performed: (i) narrative synthesis of outcome evaluations, (ii) narrative synthesis of non-intervention studies and (iii) synthesis of intervention and non-intervention studies together.

For the last of these a matrix was constructed which laid out the barriers and facilitators identified by young people alongside descriptions of the interventions included in the in-depth systematic review of outcome evaluations. The matrix was stratified by four analytical themes to characterize the levels at which the barriers and facilitators appeared to be operating: the school, family and friends, the self and practical and material resources. This methodology is described further elsewhere [ 20, 22, 30 ].

From the matrix it is possible to see:

(i) where barriers have been modified and/or facilitators built upon by soundly evaluated interventions, and ‘promising’ interventions which need further, more rigorous, evaluation (matches) and

(ii) where barriers have not been modified and facilitators not built upon by any evaluated intervention, necessitating the development and rigorous evaluation of new interventions (gaps).

Figure 1 outlines the number of studies included at various stages of the review. Of the total of 7048 reports identified, 135 reports (describing 116 studies) met the first round of screening and were included in the descriptive map. The results of the map are reported in detail in a separate publication—see Shepherd et al. [ 23 ] (the report can be downloaded free of charge via http://eppi.ioe.ac.uk ). A subset of 22 outcome evaluations and 8 studies of young people's views met the criteria for the in-depth systematic review.

The review process.

Outcome evaluations

Of the 22 outcome evaluations, most were conducted in the United States ( n = 16) [ 31–45 ], two in Finland [ 46, 47 ], and one each in the UK [ 48 ], Norway [ 49 ], Denmark [ 50 ] and Australia [ 51 ]. In addition to the main focus on promoting healthy eating, they also addressed other related issues including cardiovascular disease in general, tobacco use, accidents, obesity, alcohol and illicit drug use. Most were based in primary or secondary school settings and were delivered by teachers. Interventions varied considerably in content. While many involved some form of information provision, over half ( n = 13) involved attempts to make structural changes to young people's physical environments; half ( n = 11) trained parents in or about nutrition, seven developed health-screening resources, five provided feedback to young people on biological measures and their behavioural risk status and three aimed to provide social support systems for young people or others in the community. Social learning theory was the most common theoretical framework used to develop these interventions. Only a minority of studies included young people who could be considered socially excluded ( n = 6), primarily young people from ethnic minorities (e.g. African Americans and Hispanics).

Following detailed data extraction and critical appraisal, only seven of the 22 outcome evaluations were judged to be methodologically sound. For the remainder of this section we only report the results of these seven. Four of the seven were from the United States, with one each from the UK, Norway and Finland. The studies varied in the comprehensiveness of their reporting of the characteristics of the young people (e.g. sociodemographic/economic status). Most were White, living in middle class urban areas. All attended secondary schools. Table I details the interventions in these sound studies. Generally, they were multicomponent interventions in which classroom activities were complemented with school-wide initiatives and activities in the home. All but one of the seven sound evaluations included and an integral evaluation of the intervention processes. Some studies report results according to demographic characteristics such as age and gender.

Soundly evaluated outcome evaluations: study characteristics (n = 7)

RCT = Randomized Controlled Trial; CT = controlled trial (no randomization); PE = process evaluation.

Separate evaluations of the same intervention in two populations in New York (the Bronx and Westchester County).

The UK-based intervention was an award scheme (the ‘Wessex Healthy Schools Award’) that sought to make health-promoting changes in school ethos, organizational functioning and curriculum [ 48 ]. Changes made in schools included the introduction of health education curricula, as well as the setting of targets in key health promotion areas (including healthy eating). Knowledge levels, which were high at baseline, changed little over the course of the intervention. Intervention schools performed better in terms of healthy food choices (on audit scores). The impact on measures of healthy eating such as choosing healthy snacks varied according to age and sex. The intervention only appeared possibly to be effective for young women in Year 11 (aged 15–16 years) on these measures (statistical significance not reported).

The ‘Know Your Body’ intervention, a cardiovascular risk reduction programme, was evaluated in two separate studies in two demographically different areas of New York (the Bronx and Westchester County) [ 45 ]. Lasting for 5 years it comprised teacher-led classroom education, parental involvement activities and risk factor examination in elementary and junior high schools. In the Bronx evaluation, statistically significant increases in knowledge were reported, but favourable changes in cholesterol levels and dietary fat were not significant. In the Westchester County evaluation, we judged the effects to be unclear due to shortcomings in methods reported.

A second US-based study, the 3-year ‘Gimme 5’ programme [ 40 ], focused on increasing consumption of fruits and vegetables through a school-wide media campaign, complemented by classroom activities, parental involvement and changes to nutritional content of school meals. The intervention was effective at increasing knowledge (particularly among young women). Effects were measured in terms of changes in knowledge scores between baseline and two follow-up periods. Differences between the intervention and comparison group were significant at both follow-ups. There was a significant increase in consumption of fruit and vegetables in the intervention group, although this was not sustained.

In the third US study, the ‘Slice of Life’ intervention, peer leaders taught 10 sessions covering the benefits of fitness, healthy diets and issues concerning weight control [ 41 ]. School functioning was also addressed by student recommendations to school administrators. For young women, there were statistically significant differences between intervention and comparison groups on healthy eating scores, salt consumption scores, making healthy food choices, knowledge of healthy food, reading food labels for salt and fat content and awareness of healthy eating. However, among young men differences were only significant for salt and knowledge scores. The process evaluation suggested that having peers deliver training was acceptable to students and the peer-trainers themselves.

A Norwegian study evaluated a similar intervention to the ‘Slice of Life’ programme, employing peer educators to lead classroom activities and small group discussions on nutrition [ 49 ]. Students also analysed the availability of healthy food in their social and home environment and used a computer program to analyse the nutritional status of foods. There were significant intervention effects for reported healthy eating behaviour (but not maintained by young men) and for knowledge (not young women).

The second ‘North Karelia Youth Study’ in Finland featured classroom educational activities, a community media campaign, health-screening activities, changes to school meals and a health education initiative in the parents' workplace [ 47 ]. It was judged to be effective for healthy eating behaviour, reducing systolic blood pressure and modifying fat content of school meals, but less so for reducing cholesterol levels and diastolic blood pressure.

The evidence from the well-designed evaluations of the effectiveness of healthy eating initiatives is therefore mixed. Interventions tend to be more effective among young women than young men.

Young people's views

Table II describes the key characteristics of the eight studies of young people's views. The most consistently reported characteristics of the young people were age, gender and social class. Socioeconomic status was mixed, and in the two studies reporting ethnicity, the young people participating were predominantly White. Most studies collected data in mainstream schools and may therefore not be applicable to young people who infrequently or never attend school.

Characteristics of young people's views studies (n = 8)

All eight studies asked young people about their perceptions of, or attitudes towards, healthy eating, while none explicitly asked them what prevents them from eating healthily. Only two studies asked them what they think helps them to eat healthy foods, and only one asked for their ideas about what could or should be done to promote nutrition.

Young people tended to talk about food in terms of what they liked and disliked, rather than what was healthy/unhealthy. Healthy foods were predominantly associated with parents/adults and the home, while ‘fast food’ was associated with pleasure, friendship and social environments. Links were also made between food and appearance, with fast food perceived as having negative consequences on weight and facial appearance (and therefore a rationale for eating healthier foods). Attitudes towards healthy eating were generally positive, and the importance of a healthy diet was acknowledged. However, personal preferences for fast foods on grounds of taste tended to dominate food choice. Young people particularly valued the ability to choose what they eat.

Despite not being explicitly asked about barriers, young people discussed factors inhibiting their ability to eat healthily. These included poor availability of healthy meals at school, healthy foods sometimes being expensive and wide availability of, and personal preferences for, fast foods. Things that young people thought should be done to facilitate healthy eating included reducing the price of healthy snacks and better availability of healthy foods at school, at take-aways and in vending machines. Will-power and encouragement from the family were commonly mentioned support mechanisms for healthy eating, while teachers and peers were the least commonly cited sources of information on nutrition. Ideas for promoting healthy eating included the provision of information on nutritional content of school meals (mentioned by young women particularly) and better food labelling in general.

Table III shows the synthesis matrix which juxtaposes barriers and facilitators alongside results of outcome evaluations. There were some matches but also significant gaps between, on the one hand, what young people say are barriers to healthy eating, what helps them and what could or should be done and, on the other, soundly evaluated interventions that address these issues.

Synthesis matrix

Key to young people's views studies: Y1 , Dennison and Shepherd [ 56 ]; Y2 , Harris [ 57 ]; Y3 , McDougall [ 58 ]; Y4 , Miles and Eid [ 59 ]; Y5 , Roberts et al. [ 60 ]; Y6 , Ross [ 61 ]; Y7 , Watt and Sheiham [ 62 ]; Y8 , Watt and Sheiham [ 63 ]. Key to intervention studies: OE1 , Baranowski et al. [ 31 ]; OE2 , Bush et al. [ 32 ]; OE3 , Coates et al. [ 33 ]; OE4 , Ellison et al. [ 34 ]; OE5 , Flores [ 36 ]; OE6 , Fitzgibbon et al. [ 35 ]; OE7 , Hopper et al. [ 64 ]; OE8 , Holund [ 50 ]; OE9 , Kelder et al. [ 38 ]; OE10 , Klepp and Wilhelmsen [ 49 ]; OE11 , Moon et al. [ 48 ]; OE12 , Nader et al. [ 39 ]; OE13 , Nicklas et al. [ 40 ]; OE14 , Perry et al. [ 41 ]; OE15 , Petchers et al. [ 42 ]; OE16 , Schinke et al. [ 43 ]; OE17 , Wagner et al. [ 44 ]; OE18 , Vandongen et al. [ 51 ]; OE19 , Vartiainen et al. [ 46 ]; OE20 , Vartiainen et al. [ 47 ]; OE21 , Walter I [ 45 ]; OE22 , Walter II [ 45 ]. OE10, OE11, OE13, OE14, OE20, OE21 and OE22 denote a sound outcome evaluation. OE21 and OE22 are separate evaluations of the same intervention. Due to methodological limitations, we have judged the effects of OE22 to be unclear. Y1 and Y2 do not appear in the synthesis matrix as they did not explicitly report barriers or facilitators, and it was not possible for us to infer potential barriers or facilitators. However, these two studies did report what young people understood by healthy eating, their perceptions, and their views and opinions on the importance of eating a healthy diet. OE2, OE12, OE16 and OE17 do not appear in the synthesis matrix as they did not address any of the barriers or facilitators.

In terms of the school environment, most of the barriers identified by young people appear to have been addressed. At least two sound outcome evaluations demonstrated the effectiveness of increasing the availability of healthy foods in the school canteen [ 40, 47 ]. Furthermore, despite the low status of teachers and peers as sources of nutritional information, several soundly evaluated studies showed that they can be employed effectively to deliver nutrition interventions.

Young people associated parents and the home environment with healthy eating, and half of the sound outcome evaluations involved parents in the education of young people about nutrition. However, problems were sometimes experienced in securing parental attendance at intervention activities (e.g. seminar evenings). Why friends were not a common source of information about good nutrition is not clear. However, if peer pressure to eat unhealthy foods is a likely explanation, then it has been addressed by the peer-led interventions in three sound outcome evaluations (generally effectively) [ 41, 47, 49 ] and two outcome evaluations which did not meet the quality criteria (effectiveness unclear) [ 33, 50 ].

The fact that young people choose fast foods on grounds of taste has generally not been addressed by interventions, apart from one soundly evaluated effective intervention which included taste testings of fruit and vegetables [ 40 ]. Young people's concern over their appearance (which could be interpreted as both a barrier and a facilitator) has only been addressed in one of the sound outcome evaluations (which revealed an effective intervention) [ 41 ]. Will-power to eat healthy foods has only been examined in one outcome evaluation in the in-depth systematic review (judged to be sound and effective) (Walter I—Bronx evaluation) [ 45 ]. The need for information on nutrition was addressed by the majority of interventions in the in-depth systematic review. However, no studies were found which evaluated attempts to increase the nutritional content of school meals.

Barriers and facilitators relating to young people's practical and material resources were generally not addressed by interventions, soundly evaluated or otherwise. No studies were found which examined the effectiveness of interventions to lower the price of healthy foods. However, one soundly evaluated intervention was partially effective in increasing the availability of healthy snacks in community youth groups (Walter I—Bronx evaluation) [ 45 ]. At best, interventions have attempted to raise young people's awareness of environmental constraints on eating healthily, or encouraged them to lobby for increased availability of nutritious foods (in the case of the latter without reporting whether any changes have been effected as a result).

This review has systematically identified some of the barriers to, and facilitators of, healthy eating with young people, and illustrated to what extent they have been addressed by soundly evaluated effective interventions.

The evidence for effectiveness is mixed. Increases in knowledge of nutrition (measured in all but one study) were not consistent across studies, and changes in clinical risk factors (measured in two studies) varied, with one study detecting reductions in cholesterol and another detecting no change. Increases in reported healthy eating behaviour were observed, but mostly among young women revealing a distinct gender pattern in the findings. This was the case in four of the seven outcome evaluations (in which analysis was stratified by gender). The authors of one of the studies suggest that emphasis of the intervention on healthy weight management was more likely to appeal to young women. It was proposed that interventions directed at young men should stress the benefits of nutrition on strength, physical endurance and physical activity, particularly to appeal to those who exercise and play sports. Furthermore, age was a significant factor in determining effectiveness in one study [ 48 ]. Impact was greatest on young people in the 15- to 16-year age range (particularly for young women) in comparison with those aged 12–13 years, suggesting that dietary influences may vary with age. Tailoring the intervention to take account of age and gender is therefore crucial to ensure that interventions are as relevant and meaningful as possible.

Other systematic reviews of interventions to promote healthy eating (which included some of the studies with young people fitting the age range of this review) also show mixed results [ 52–55 ]. The findings of these reviews, while not being directly comparable in terms of conceptual framework, methods and age group, seem to offer some support for the findings of this review. The main message is that while there is some evidence to suggest effectiveness, the evidence base is limited. We have identified no comparable systematic reviews in this area.

Unlike other reviews, however, this study adopted a wider perspective through inclusion of studies of young people's views as well as effectiveness studies. A number of barriers to healthy eating were identified, including poor availability of healthy foods at school and in young people's social spaces, teachers and friends not always being a source of information/support for healthy eating, personal preferences for fast foods and healthy foods generally being expensive. Facilitating factors included information about nutritional content of foods/better labelling, parents and family members being supportive; healthy eating to improve or maintain one's personal appearance, will-power and better availability/lower pricing of healthy snacks.

Juxtaposing barriers and facilitators alongside effectiveness studies allowed us to examine the extent to which the needs of young people had been adequately addressed by evaluated interventions. To some extent they had. Most of the barriers and facilitators that related to the school and relationships with family and friends appear to have been taken into account by soundly evaluated interventions, although, as mentioned, their effectiveness varied. Many of the gaps tended to be in relation to young people as individuals (although our prioritization of interventions at the level of the community and society may have resulted in the exclusion of some of these interventions) and the wider determinants of health (‘practical and material resources’). Despite a wide search, we found few evaluations of strategies to improve nutritional labelling on foods particularly in schools or to increase the availability of affordable healthy foods particularly in settings where young people socialize. A number of initiatives are currently in place which may fill these gaps, but their effectiveness does not appear to have been reported yet. It is therefore crucial for any such schemes to be thoroughly evaluated and disseminated, at which point an updated systematic review would be timely.

This review is also constrained by the fact that its conclusions can only be supported by a relatively small proportion of the extant literature. Only seven of the 22 outcome evaluations identified were considered to be methodologically sound. As illustrated in Table III , a number of the remaining 15 interventions appear to modify barriers/build on facilitators but their results can only be judged unclear until more rigorous evaluation of these ‘promising’ interventions has been reported.

Finally, it is important to acknowledge that the majority of the outcome evaluations were conducted in the United States, and by virtue of the inclusion criteria, all the young people's views studies were UK based. The literature therefore might not be generalizable to other countries, where sociocultural values and socioeconomic circumstances may be quite different. Further evidence synthesis is needed on barriers to, and facilitators of, healthy eating and nutrition worldwide, particularly in developing countries.

The aim of this study was to survey what is known about the barriers to, and facilitators of, healthy eating among young people with a view to drawing out the implications for policy and practice. The review has mapped and quality screened the extant research in this area, and brought together the findings from evaluations of interventions aiming to promote healthy eating and studies which have elicited young people's views.

There has been much research activity in this area, yet it is disappointing that so few evaluation studies were methodologically strong enough to enable us to draw conclusions about effectiveness. There is some evidence to suggest that multicomponent school-based interventions can be effective, although effects tended to vary according to age and gender. Tailoring intervention messages accordingly is a promising approach which should therefore be evaluated. A key theme was the value young people place on choice and autonomy in relation to food. Increasing the provision and range of healthy, affordable snacks and meals in schools and social spaces will enable them to exercise their choice of healthier, tasty options.

We have identified that several barriers to, and facilitators of, healthy eating in young people have received little attention in evaluation research. Further work is needed to develop and evaluate interventions which modify or remove these barriers, and build on these facilitators. Further qualitative studies are also needed so that we can continue to listen to the views of young people. This is crucial if we are to develop and test meaningful, appropriate and effective health promotion strategies.

We would like to thank Chris Bonell and Dina Kiwan for undertaking data extraction. We would also like to acknowledge the invaluable help of Amanda Nicholas, James Thomas, Elaine Hogan, Sue Bowdler and Salma Master for support and helpful advice. The Department of Health, England, funds a specific programme of health promotion work at the EPPI-Centre. The views expressed in the report are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the Department of Health.

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