online gaming research papers

Playing games: advancing research on online and mobile gaming consumption

Internet Research

ISSN : 1066-2243

Article publication date: 9 April 2019

Issue publication date: 9 April 2019

Seo, Y. , Dolan, R. and Buchanan-Oliver, M. (2019), "Playing games: advancing research on online and mobile gaming consumption", Internet Research , Vol. 29 No. 2, pp. 289-292. https://doi.org/10.1108/INTR-04-2019-542

Emerald Publishing Limited

Copyright © 2019, Emerald Publishing Limited

Introduction

Computer games consistently generate more revenue than the movie and music industries and have become one of the most ubiquitous symbols of popular culture ( Takahashi, 2018 ). Recent technological developments are changing the ways in which consumers are able to engage with computer games as individuals – adult gamers, parents and children ( Christy and Kuncheva, 2018 ) – and as collectives, such as communities, networks and subcultures ( Hamari and Sjöblom, 2017 ; Seo, 2016 ). In particular, with the proliferation of online and mobile technologies, we have witnessed the emergence of newer forms of both computer games themselves (e.g. advertising games (advergames), virtual and augmented reality games and social media games) ( Rauschnabel et al. , 2017 ) and of gaming practices (e.g. serious gaming, hardcore gaming and eSports) ( Seo, 2016 ).

It is, therefore, not surprising that the issues concerning the ways computer games consumption is changing in light of these technological developments have received much attention across diverse disciplines of social sciences, such as marketing (e.g. Seo et al. , 2015 ), information systems (e.g. Liu et al. , 2013 ), media studies (e.g. Giddings, 2016 ) and internet research (e.g. Hamari and Sjöblom, 2017 ). The purpose of this introductory paper to the special issue “Online and mobile gaming” is to chart future research directions that are relevant to a rapidly changing postmodern digital gaming landscape. In this endeavor, this paper first provides an integrative summary of the six articles that comprise this special issue, and then draws the threads together in order to elicit the agenda for future research.

An integrative summary of the special issue

The six articles that were selected for this special issue advance research into online and mobile gaming in several ways. The opening article by Pappas, Mikalef, Giannakos and Kourouthanassis draws attention to the complex ecosystem of mobile applications in which multiple factors influence consumer behavior in mobile games. Pappas and his colleagues shed light on how price value, game content quality, positive and negative emotions, gender, and gameplay time interact with one another to predict the intention to download mobile games. This study offers useful insights by demonstrating how fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis methodology can be applied to advance research into computer games consumption.

The study by Bae, Kim, Kim and Koo addresses the digital virtual consumption that occurs within computer games. This second paper explores the relationship between in-game items and mood management to determine the affective value of purchasing in-game items. The findings reveal that game users manage their levels of arousal and mood valence through the use of in-game purchases, suggesting that stressed users are more likely to purchase decorative items, whereas bored users tend to purchase functional items. This study offers an informative perspective of how mood management and selective exposure theories can be applied to understand the in-game purchases. Continuing this theme, the third study by Bae, Park and Koo investigates the effect of perceived corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives. Park and colleagues extend previous research by identifying important motivational mechanisms, such as self-esteem and compassion, which link CSR initiative perceptions with the intentions to purchase in-game items.

The fourth and fifth studies of this special issue draw our attention to the use of avatars and game characters. Liao, Cheng and Teng use social identity and flow theories to construct a novel model that explains how avatar attractiveness and customization impact loyalty among online game consumers. In the fifth study, Choi explores the importance of game character characteristics being congruent with product types in order to make advergames more persuasive.

The final study by Lee and Ko reviews the predictors of game addiction based on loneliness, motivation and inter-personal competence. The findings of these authors suggest that regulatory focus mediates the effect of loneliness on online game addiction, and that inter-personal competence significantly buffers the indirect effect of loneliness on online game addiction. This study advances our knowledge about online game addiction through an investigation of the important role played by loneliness.

Future directions for research

Taken together, our introductory commentary and the six empirical studies that make up this special issue deepen and broaden the current understanding of how online and mobile technologies augment the consumption of computer games. In this final section of our paper, we outline potential directions for future research.

First, this special issue highlights that computer games consumption is a diverse interdisciplinary phenomenon, where important issues range from establishing the factors that determine the adoption of particular computer games to what consumers do within these games; from whether computer games enhance consumer well-being (e.g. Howes et al. , 2017 ), to whether they engender addiction (e.g. Frölich et al. , 2016 ); and from establishing how computer gaming experiences are influenced by internal psychological mechanisms to querying the effects of broader social aspects of consumer lives on computer games consumption ( Kowert et al. , 2015 ). Informed by these findings, we assert that as computer games consumption becomes more complex and interactive, incorporating more technology brought about by the proliferation of online and mobile gaming, it is important that our theorizing follows by tracking the mutual imbrication of consumers, play, technology, culture, well-being and other salient issues.

Computer games consumption is a phenomenon of global significance, which is reflected by the international interest that we have received for this special issue. This prompts us to consider similarities and differences in the ways that computer games are consumed across cultures ( Elmezeny and Wimmer, 2018 ). Many computer games themselves now foster intercultural, multicultural and transcultural experiences ( Cruz et al. , 2018 ) by enabling consumers from different countries and regions to connect and build relationships within the shared virtual space. How do such experiences shape the consumption of computer games? This gap in the literature has been previously noted ( Seo et al. , 2015 ), but it has not been either sufficiently detailed or theorised. Future studies should explore the role of various transcultural experiences and practices within online and mobile games consumption.

Finally, one increasingly promising area for future research is the rise of virtual reality (VR) applications. Although the earliest references to VR date back to the 1990s (e.g. Gigante, 1993 ), it has been only recently that technological developments have allowed VR to evolve from a niche technology into an everyday phenomenon that is readily available to consumers ( Lamkin, 2017 ; Oleksy and Wnuk, 2017 ). Given that VR is an experientially distinct medium, how will it augment computer games consumption experiences and practices? Will it foster more diverse applications of computer games across various aspects of consumer lives (e.g. Tussyadiah et al. , 2018 ), or will it increase computer games addiction (e.g. Chou and Ting, 2003 )? What are the current and future intersections between VR technology, online and mobile games, and how are they likely to develop and affect consumers? We envision that these and many other questions related to the application and proliferation of VR technology in computer games consumption will be an exceptionally fruitful area for future research.

In summary, we hope that this paper and the special issue, with its emphasis on online and mobile gaming, will offer new insights for researchers and practitioners who are interested in the advancement of research on computer games consumption.

Chou , T.J. and Ting , C.C. ( 2003 ), “ The role of flow experience in cyber-game addiction ”, CyberPsychology and Behavior , Vol. 6 No. 6 , pp. 663 - 675 .

Christy , T. and Kuncheva , L.I. ( 2018 ), “ Technological advancements in affective gaming: a historical survey ”, GSTF Journal on Computing , Vol. 3 No. 4 , pp. 32 - 41 .

Cruz , A.G.B. , Seo , Y. and Buchanan-Oliver , M. ( 2018 ), “ Religion as a field of transcultural practices in multicultural marketplaces ”, Journal of Business Research , Vol. 91 , pp. 317 - 325 .

Elmezeny , A. and Wimmer , J. ( 2018 ), “ Games without frontiers: a framework for analyzing digital game cultures comparatively ”, Media and Communication , Vol. 6 No. 2 , pp. 80 - 89 .

Frölich , J. , Lehmkuhl , G. , Orawa , H. , Bromba , M. , Wolf , K. and Görtz-Dorten , A. ( 2016 ), “ Computer game misuse and addiction of adolescents in a clinically referred study sample ”, Computers in Human Behavior , Vol. 55 , pp. 9 - 15 .

Giddings , S. ( 2016 ), “ Pokémon Go as distributed imagination ”, Mobile Media and Communication , Vol. 5 No. 1 , pp. 59 - 62 .

Gigante , M.A. ( 1993 ), “ Virtual reality: definitions, history and applications ”, in Earnshaw , R.A. (Ed.), Virtual Reality Systems , Academic Press , New York, NY , pp. 3 - 14 .

Hamari , J. and Sjöblom , M. ( 2017 ), “ What is eSports and why do people watch it ”, Internet Research , Vol. 27 No. 2 , pp. 211 - 232 .

Howes , S.C. , Charles , D.K. , Marley , J. , Pedlow , K. and McDonough , S.M. ( 2017 ), “ Gaming for health: systematic review and meta-analysis of the physical and cognitive effects of active computer gaming in older adults ”, Physical Therapy , Vol. 97 No. 12 , pp. 1122 - 1137 .

Kowert , R. , Vogelgesang , J. , Festl , R. and Quandt , T. ( 2015 ), “ Psychosocial causes and consequences of online video game play ”, Computers in Human Behavior , Vol. 45 , pp. 51 - 58 .

Lamkin , P. ( 2017 ), “ Virtual reality headset sales hit 1 million ”, available at: www.forbes.com/sites/paullamkin/2017/11/30/virtual-reality-headset-sales-hit-1-million/#241697c42b61/ (accessed October 4, 2018 ).

Liu , D. , Li , X. and Santhanam , R. ( 2013 ), “ Digital games and beyond: what happens when players compete ”, MIS Quarterly , Vol. 37 No. 1 , pp. 111 - 124 .

Oleksy , T. and Wnuk , A. ( 2017 ), “ Catch them all and increase your place attachment! The role of location-based augmented reality games in changing people–place relations ”, Computers in Human Behavior , Vol. 76 , pp. 3 - 8 .

Rauschnabel , P.A. , Rossmann , A. and tom Dieck , M.C. ( 2017 ), “ An adoption framework for mobile augmented reality games: the case of Pokémon Go ”, Computers in Human Behavior , Vol. 76 , pp. 276 - 286 .

Seo , Y. ( 2016 ), “ Professionalized consumption and identity transformations in the field of eSports ”, Journal of Business Research , Vol. 69 No. 1 , pp. 264 - 272 .

Seo , Y. , Buchanan‐Oliver , M. and Fam , K.S. ( 2015 ), “ Advancing research on computer game consumption: a future research agenda ”, Journal of Consumer Behaviour , Vol. 14 No. 6 , pp. 353 - 356 .

Takahashi , D. ( 2018 ), “ Newzoo: games market expected to hit $180.1 billion in revenues in 2021 ”, available at: https://venturebeat.com/2018/04/30/newzoo-global-games-expected-to-hit-180-1-billion-in-revenues-2021/ (accessed October 4, 2018 ).

Tussyadiah , I.P. , Wang , D. , Jung , T.H. and tom Dieck , M.C. ( 2018 ), “ Virtual reality, presence and attitude change: empirical evidence from tourism ”, Tourism Management , Vol. 66 , pp. 140 - 154 .

Acknowledgements

The guest editors would like to offer special thanks to the Editor of Internet Research , Christy Cheung, for supporting the publication of this special issue. The guest editors would also like to thank all of the authors who contributed to this research for the “Online and mobile gaming” special issue. Finally, the guest editors gratefully acknowledge the contribution of reviewers, who generously spent their time in helping to review submissions: Luke Butcher, Curtin University, Australia; Hsiu-Hua Chang, Feng Chia University, Taiwan; I-Cheng Chang, National Dong Hwa University, Taiwan; Chi-Wen Chen, California State University, USA; Zifei Fay Chen, University of San Francisco, USA; Sujeong Choi, Chonnam National University, Korea; Diego Costa Pinto, New University of Lisbon, Portugal; Angela Cruz, Monash University, Australia; Robert Davis, Massey University, New Zealand; Julia Fehrer, University of Auckland, New Zealand; Tony Garry, University of Otago, New Zealand; Tracy Harwood, De Montfort University, UK; Mu Hu, Beihang University, China; Tseng-Lung Huang, Yuan Ze University, Taiwan; Kun-Huang Huang, Feng Chia University, Taiwan; Chelsea Hughes, Virginia Commonwealth University, USA; Euejung Hwang, Otago University, New Zealand; Sang-Uk Jung, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Korea; Kacy Kim, Bryant University, USA; Dong-Mo Koo, Kyungpook National University, Korea; Jun Bum Kwon, University of New South Wales, Australia; Chun-Chia Lee, National Chiao Tung University, Taiwan; Jacob Chaeho Lee, Ulsan National Institute of Science and Technology, Korea; Loic Li, University of Auckland, New Zealand; Marcel Martončik, University of Presov, Slovakia; Mike Molesworth, University of Reading, UK; Gavin Northey, University of Auckland, New Zealand; James Richard, Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand; Ryan Rogers, University of Pennsylvania, USA; Felix Septianto, University of Auckland, New Zealand; Zhen Shao, Harbin Institute of Technology, China; Kai-Shuan Shen, Fo Guang University, Taiwan; Jungmin Son, Chungnam National University; Korea; Yang Sun, Zhejiang Sci-Tech University, China; Eva van Reijmersdal, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands; Ekant Veer, University of Canterbury, New Zealand; John Velez, Indiana University, USA; Wei-Tsong Wang, National Cheng Kung University, Taiwan; Ya-Ling Wu, Tamkang University, Taiwan; Sheau-Fen Yap, Auckland University of Technology, New Zealand; and Sukki Yoon, Bryant University, USA.

Corresponding author

About the authors.

Yuri Seo is Senior Lecturer at the University of Auckland of Business School, New Zealand. His research interests include digital technology and consumption, cultural branding and multicultural marketplaces.

Rebecca Dolan is Lecturer at the University of Adelaide School of Business, Australia. Her research focuses on understanding, facilitating and optimizing customer relationships, engagement, and online communication strategies. She has a specific interest in the role that digital and social media play in the modern marketing communications environment.

Margo Buchanan-Oliver is Professor in the Department of Marketing and the Co-Director of the Centre of Digital Enterprise (CODE) at the University of Auckland Business School. Her research concerns interdisciplinary consumption discourse and practice, particularly that occurring at the intersection of the digital and physical worlds.

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• Published: 10 December 2020

Effect of internet use and electronic game-play on academic performance of Australian children

• Md Irteja Islam 1 , 2 ,
• Raaj Kishore Biswas 3 &
• Rasheda Khanam 1  

Scientific Reports volume  10 , Article number:  21727 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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This study examined the association of internet use, and electronic game-play with academic performance respectively on weekdays and weekends in Australian children. It also assessed whether addiction tendency to internet and game-play is associated with academic performance. Overall, 1704 children of 11–17-year-olds from young minds matter (YMM), a cross-sectional nationwide survey, were analysed. The generalized linear regression models adjusted for survey weights were applied to investigate the association between internet use, and electronic-gaming with academic performance (measured by NAPLAN–National standard score). About 70% of the sample spent > 2 h/day using the internet and nearly 30% played electronic-games for > 2 h/day. Internet users during weekdays (> 4 h/day) were less likely to get higher scores in reading and numeracy, and internet use on weekends (> 2–4 h/day) was positively associated with academic performance. In contrast, 16% of electronic gamers were more likely to get better reading scores on weekdays compared to those who did not. Addiction tendency to internet and electronic-gaming is found to be adversely associated with academic achievement. Further, results indicated the need for parental monitoring and/or self-regulation to limit the timing and duration of internet use/electronic-gaming to overcome the detrimental effects of internet use and electronic game-play on academic achievement.

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Introduction

Over the past two decades, with the proliferation of high-tech devices (e.g. Smartphone, tablets and computers), both the internet and electronic games have become increasingly popular with people of all ages, but particularly with children and adolescents 1 , 2 , 3 . Recent estimates have shown that one in three under-18-year-olds across the world uses the Internet, and 75% of adolescents play electronic games daily in developed countries 4 , 5 , 6 . Studies in the United States reported that adolescents are occupied with over 11 h a day with modern electronic media such as computer/Internet and electronic games, which is more than they spend in school or with friends 7 , 8 . In Australia, it is reported that about 98% of children aged 15–17 years are among Internet users and 98% of adolescents play electronic games, which is significantly higher than the USA and Europe 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 .

In recent times, the Internet and electronic games have been regarded as important, not just for better results at school, but also for self-expression, sociability, creativity and entertainment for children and adolescents 13 , 14 . For instance, 88% of 12–17 year-olds in the USA considered the Internet as a useful mechanism for making progress in school 15 , and similarly, electronic gaming in children and adolescents may assist in developing skills such as decision-making, smart-thinking and coordination 3 , 15 .

On the other hand, evidence points to the fact that the use of the Internet and electronic games is found to have detrimental effects such as reduced sleeping time, behavioural problems (e.g. low self-esteem, anxiety, depression), attention problems and poor academic performance in adolescents 1 , 5 , 12 , 16 . In addition, excessive Internet usage and increased electronic gaming are found to be addictive and may cause serious functional impairment in the daily life of children and adolescents 1 , 12 , 13 , 16 . For example, the AU Kids Online survey 17 reported that 50% of Australian children were more likely to experience behavioural problems associated with Internet use compared to children from 25 European countries (29%) surveyed in the EU Kids Online study 18 , which is alarming 12 . These mixed results require an urgent need of understanding the effect of the Internet use and electronic gaming on the development of children and adolescents, particularly on their academic performance.

Despite many international studies and a smaller number in Australia 12 , several systematic limitations remain in the existing literature, particularly regarding the association of academic performance with the use of Internet and electronic games in children and adolescents 13 , 16 , 19 . First, the majority of the earlier studies have either relied on school grades or children’s self assessments—which contain an innate subjectivity by the assessor; and have not considered the standardized tests of academic performance 16 , 20 , 21 , 22 . Second, most previous studies have tested the hypothesis in the school-based settings instead of canvassing the whole community, and cannot therefore adjust for sociodemographic confounders 9 , 16 . Third, most studies have been typically limited to smaller sample sizes, which might have reduced the reliability of the results 9 , 16 , 23 .

By considering these issues, this study aimed to investigate the association of internet usage and electronic gaming on a standardized test of academic performance—NAPLAN (The National Assessment Program—Literacy and Numeracy) among Australian adolescents aged 11–17 years using nationally representative data from the Second Australian Child and Adolescent Survey of Mental Health and Wellbeing—Young Minds Matter (YMM). It is hypothesized that the findings of this study will provide a population-wide, contextual view of excessive Internet use and electronic games played separately on weekdays and weekends by Australian adolescents, which may be beneficial for evidence-based policies.

Subject demographics

Respondents who attended gave NAPLAN in 2008 (N = 4) and 2009 (N = 29) were removed from the sample due to smaller sample size, as later years (2010–2015) had over 100 samples yearly. The NAPLAN scores from 2008 might not align with a survey conducted in 2013. Further missing cases were deleted with the assumption that data were missing at random for unbiased estimates, which is common for large-scale surveys 24 . From the initial survey of 2967 samples, 1704 adolescents were sampled for this study.

The sample characteristics were displayed in Table 1 . For example, distribution of daily average internet use was checked, showing that over 50% of the sampled adolescents spent 2–4 h on internet (Table 1 ). Although all respondents in the survey used internet, nearly 21% of them did not play any electronic games in a day and almost one in every three (33%) adolescents played electronic games beyond the recommended time of 2 h per day. Girls had more addictive tendency to internet/game-play in compare to boys.

The mean scores for the three NAPLAN tests scores (reading, writing and numeracy) ranged from 520 to 600. A gradual decline in average NAPLAN tests scores (reading, writing and numeracy) scores were observed for internet use over 4 h during weekdays, and over 3 h during weekends (Table 2 ). Table 2 also shows that adolescents who played no electronic games at all have better scores in writing compared to those who play electronic games. Moreover, Table 2 shows no particular pattern between time spent on gaming and NAPLAN reading and numeracy scores. Among the survey samples, 308 adolescents were below the national standard average.

Internet use and academic performance

Our results show that internet (non-academic use) use during weekdays, especially more than 4 h, is negatively associated with academic performance (Table 3 ). For internet use during weekdays, all three models showed a significant negative association between time spent on internet and NAPLAN reading and numeracy scores. For example, in Model 1, adolescents who spent over 4 h on internet during weekdays are 15% and 17% less likely to get higher reading and numeracy scores respectively compared to those who spend less than 2 h. Similar results were found in Model 2 and 3 (Table 3 ), when we adjusted other confounders. The variable addiction tendency to internet was found to be negatively associated with NAPLAN results. The adolescents who had internet addiction were 17% less and 14% less likely to score higher in reading and numeracy respectively than those without such problematic behaviour.

Internet use during weekends showed a positive association with academic performance (Table 4 ). For example, Model 1 in Table 4 shows that internet use during weekends was significant for reading, writing and national standard scores. Youths who spend around 2–4 h and over 4 h on the internet during weekends were 21% and 15% more likely to get a higher reading scores respectively compared to those who spend less than 2 h (Model 1, Table 4 ). Similarly, in model 3, where the internet addiction of adolescents was adjusted, adolescents who spent 2–4 h on internet were 1.59 times more likely to score above the national standard. All three models of Table 4 confirmed that adolescents who spent 2–4 h on the internet during weekends are more likely to achieve better reading and writing scores and be at or above national standard compared to those who used the internet for less than 2 h. Numeracy scores were unlikely to be affected by internet use. The results obtained from Model 3 should be treated as robust, as this is the most comprehensive model that accounts for unobserved characteristics. The addiction tendency to internet/game-play variable showed a negative association with academic performance, but this is only significant for numeracy scores.

Electronic gaming and academic performance

Time spent on electronic gaming during weekdays had no effect on the academic performance of writing and language but had significant association with reading scores (Model 2, Table 5 ). Model 2 of Table 5 shows that adolescents who spent 1–2 h on gaming during weekdays were 13% more likely to get higher reading scores compared to those who did not play at all. It was an interesting result that while electronic gaming during weekdays tended to show a positive effect on reading scores, internet use during weekdays showed a negative effect. Addiction tendency to internet/game-play had a negative effect; the adolescents who were addicted to the internet were 14% less likely to score more highly in reading than those without any such behaviour.

All three models from Table 6 confirm that time spent on electronic gaming over 2 h during weekends had a positive effect on readings scores. For example, the results of Model 3 (Table 6 ) showed that adolescents who spent more than 2 h on electronic gaming during weekdays were 16% more likely to have better reading scores compared to adolescents who did not play games at all. Playing electronic games during weekends was not found to be statistically significant for writing and numeracy scores and national standard scores, although the odds ratios were positive. The results from all tables confirm that addiction tendency to internet/gaming is negatively associated with academic performance, although the variable is not always statistically significant.

Building on past research on the effect of the internet use and electronic gaming in adolescents, this study examined whether Internet use and playing electronic games were associated with academic performance (i.e. reading, writing and numeracy) using a standardized test of academic performance (i.e. NAPLAN) in a nationally representative dataset in Australia. The findings of this study question the conventional belief 9 , 25 that academic performance is negatively associated with internet use and electronic games, particularly when the internet is used for non-academic purpose.

In the current hi-tech world, many developed countries (e.g. the USA, Canada and Australia) have recommended that 5–17 year-olds limit electronic media (e.g. internet, electronic games) to 2 h per day for entertainment purposes, with concerns about the possible negative consequences of excessive use of electronic media 14 , 26 . However, previous research has often reported that children and adolescents spent more than the recommended time 26 . The present study also found similar results, that is, that about 70% of the sampled adolescents aged 11–17 spent more than 2 h per day on the Internet and nearly 30% spent more than 2-h on electronic gaming in a day. This could be attributed to the increased availability of computers/smart-phones and the internet among under-18s 12 . For instance, 97% of Australian households with children aged less than 15 years accessed internet at home in 2016–2017 10 ; as a result, policymakers recommended that parents restrict access to screens (e.g. Internet and electronic games) in children’s bedrooms, monitor children using screens, share screen hours with their children, and to act as role models by reducing their own screen time 14 .

This research has drawn attention to the fact that the average time spent using the internet, which is often more than 4 h during weekdays tends to be negatively associated with academic performance, especially a lower reading and numeracy score, while internet use of more than 2 h during weekends is positively associated with academic performance, particularly having a better reading and writing score and above national standard score. By dividing internet use and gaming by weekdays and weekends, this study find an answer to the mixed evidence found in previous literature 9 . The results of this study clearly show that the non-academic use of internet during weekdays, particularly, spending more than 4 h on internet is harmful for academic performance, whereas, internet use on the weekends is likely to incur a positive effect on academic performance. This result is consistent with a USA study that reported that internet use is positively associated with improved reading skills and higher scores on standardized tests 13 , 27 . It is also reported in the literature that academic performance is better among moderate users of the internet compared to non-users or high level users 13 , 27 , which was in line with the findings of this study. This may be due to the fact that the internet is predominantly a text-based format in which the internet users need to type and read to access most websites effectively 13 . The results of this study indicated that internet use is not harmful to academic performance if it is used moderately, especially, if ensuring very limited use on weekdays. The results of this study further confirmed that timing (weekdays or weekends) of internet use is a factor that needs to be considered.

Regarding electronic gaming, interestingly, the study found that the average time of gaming either in weekdays or weekends is positively associated with academic performance especially for reading scores. These results contradicted previous literatures 1 , 13 , 19 , 27 that have reported negative correlation between electronic games and educational performance in high-school children. The results of this study were consistent with studies conducted in the USA, Europe and other countries that claimed a positive correlation between gaming and academic performance, especially in numeracy and reading skills 28 , 29 . This is may be due to the fact that the instructions for playing most of the electronic games are text-heavy and many electronic games require gamers to solve puzzles 9 , 30 . The literature also found that playing electronic games develops cognitive skills (e.g. mental rotation abilities, dexterity), which can be attributable to better academic achievement 31 , 32 .

Consistent with previous research findings 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , the study also found that adolescents who had addiction tendency to internet usage and/or electronic gaming were less likely to achieve higher scores in reading and numeracy compared to those who had not problematic behaviour. Addiction tendency to Internet/gaming among adolescents was found to be negatively associated with overall academic performance compared to those who were not having addiction tendency, although the variables were not always statistically significant. This is mainly because adolescents’ skipped school and missed classes and tuitions, and provide less effort to do homework due to addictive internet usage and electronic gaming 19 , 35 . The results of this study indicated that parental monitoring and/ or self-regulation (by the users) regarding the timing and intensity of internet use/gaming are essential to outweigh any negative effect of internet use and gaming on academic performance.

Although the present study uses a large nationally representative sample and advances prior research on the academic performance among adolescents who reported using the internet and playing electronic games, the findings of this study also have some limitations that need to be addressed. Firstly, adolescents who reported on the internet use and electronic games relied on self-reported child data without any screening tests or any external validation and thus, results may be overestimated or underestimated. Second, the study primarily addresses the internet use and electronic games as distinct behaviours, as the YMM survey gathered information only on the amount of time spent on internet use and electronic gaming, and included only a few questions related to addiction due to resources and time constraints and did not provide enough information to medically diagnose internet/gaming addiction. Finally, the cross-sectional research design of the data outlawed evaluation of causality and temporality of the observed association of internet use and electronic gaming with the academic performance in adolescents.

This study found that the average time spent on the internet on weekends and electronic gaming (both in weekdays and weekends) is positively associated with academic performance (measured by NAPLAN) of Australian adolescents. However, it confirmed a negative association between addiction tendency (internet use or electronic gaming) and academic performance; nonetheless, most of the adolescents used the internet and played electronic games more than the recommended 2-h limit per day. The study also revealed that further research is required on the development and implementation of interventions aimed at improving parental monitoring and fostering users’ self-regulation to restrict the daily usage of the internet and/or electronic games.

Data description

Young minds matter (YMM) was an Australian nationwide cross-sectional survey, on children aged 4–17 years conducted in 2013–2014 37 . Out of the initial 76,606 households approached, a total of 6,310 parents/caregivers (eligible household response rate 55%) of 4–17 year-old children completed a structured questionnaire via face to face interview and 2967 children aged 11–17 years (eligible children response rate 89%) completed a computer-based self-reported questionnaire privately at home 37 .

Area based sampling was used for the survey. A total of 225 Statistical Area 1 (defined by Australian Bureau of Statistics) areas were selected based on the 2011 Census of Population and Housing. They were stratified by state/territory and by metropolitan versus non-metropolitan (rural/regional) to ensure proportional representation of geographic areas across Australia 38 . However, a small number of samples were excluded, based on most remote areas, homeless children, institutional care and children living in households where interviews could not be conducted in English. The details of the survey and methodology used in the survey can be found in Lawrence et al. 37 .

Following informed consent (both written and verbal) from the primary carers (parents/caregivers), information on the National Assessment Program—Literacy and Numeracy (NAPLAN) of the children and adolescents were also added to the YMM dataset. The YMM survey is ethically approved by the Human Research Ethics Committee of the University of Western Australia and by the Australian Government Department of Health. In addition, the authors of this study obtained a written approval from Australian Data Archive (ADA) Dataverse to access the YMM dataset. All the researches were done in accordance with relevant ADA Dataverse guidelines and policy/regulations in using YMM datasets.

Outcome variables

The NAPLAN, conducted annually since 2008, is a nationwide standardized test of academic performance for all Australian students in Years 3, 5, 7 and 9 to assess their skills in reading, writing numeracy, grammar and spelling 39 , 40 . NAPLAN scores from 2010 to 2015, reported by YMM, were used as outcome variables in the models; while NAPLAN data of 2008 (N = 4) and 2009 (N = 29) were excluded for this study in order to reduce the time lag between YMM survey and the NAPLAN test. The NAPLAN gives point-in-time standardized scores, which provide the scope to compare children’s academic performance over time 40 , 41 . The NAPLAN tests are one component of the evaluation and grading phase of each school, and do not substitute for the comprehensive, consistent evaluations provided by teachers on the performance of each student 39 , 41 . All four domains—reading, writing, numeracy and language conventions (grammar and spelling) are in continuous scales in the dataset. The scores are given based on a series of tests; details can be found in 42 . The current study uses only reading, writing and numeracy scores to measure academic performance.

In this study, the National standard score is a combination of three variables: whether the student meets the national standard in reading, writing and numeracy. Based on national average score, a binary outcome variable is also generated. One category is ‘below standard’ if a child scores at least one standard deviation (one below scores) from the national standard in reading, writing and numeracy, and the rest is ‘at/above standard’.

Independent variables

Internet use and electronic gaming.

In the YMM survey, owing to the scope of the survey itself, an extensive set of questions about internet usage and electronic gaming could not be included. Internet usage omitted the time spent in academic purposes and/or related activities. Playing electronic games included playing games on a gaming console (e.g. PlayStation, Xbox, or similar console ) online or using a computer, or mobile phone, or a handled device 12 . The primary independent covariates were average internet use per day and average electronic game-play in hours per day. A combination of hours on weekdays and weekends was separately used in the models. These variables were based on a self-assessed questionnaire where the youths were asked questions regarding daily time spent on the Internet and electronic game-play, specifically on either weekends or weekdays. Since, internet use/game-play for a maximum of 2 h/day is recommended for children and adolescents aged between 5 and 17 years in many developed countries including Australia 14 , 26 ; therefore, to be consistent with the recommended time we preferred to categorize both the time variables of internet use and gaming into three groups with an interval of 2 h each. Internet use was categorized into three groups: (a) ≤ 2 h), (b) 2–4 h, and (c) > 4 h. Similar questions were asked for game-play h. The sample distribution for electronic game-play was skewed; therefore, this variable was categorized into three groups: (a) no game-play (0 h), (b) 1–2 h, and (c) > 2 h.

Other covariates

Family structure and several sociodemographic variables were used in the models to adjust for the differences in individual characteristics, parental inputs and tastes, household characteristics and place of residence. Individual characteristics included age (continuous) and sex of the child (boys, girls) and addiction tendency to internet use and/or game-play of the adolescent. Addiction tendency to internet/game-play was a binary independent variable. It was a combination of five behavioural questions relating to: whether the respondent avoided eating/sleeping due to internet use or game-play; feels bothered when s/he cannot access internet or play electronic games; keeps using internet or playing electronic games even when s/he is not really interested; spends less time with family/friends or on school works due to internet use or game-play; and unsuccessfully tries to spend less time on the internet or playing electronic games. There were four options for each question: never/almost never; not very often; fairly often; and very often. A binary covariate was simulated, where if any four out of five behaviours were reported as for example, fairly often or very often, then it was considered that the respondent had addictive tendency.

Household characteristics included household income (low, medium, high), family type (original, step, blended, sole parent/primary carer, other) 43 and remoteness (major cities, inner regional, outer regional, remote/very remote). Parental inputs and taste included education of primary carer (bachelor, diploma, year 10/11), primary carer’s likelihood of serious mental illness (K6 score -likely; not likely); primary carer’s smoking status (no, yes); and risk of alcoholic related harm by the primary carer (risky, none).

Statistical analysis

Descriptive statistics of the sample and distributions of the outcome variables were initially assessed. Based on these distributions, the categorization of outcome variables was conducted, as mentioned above. For formal analysis, generalized linear regression models (GLMs) 44 were used, adjusting for the survey weights, which allowed for generalization of the findings. As NAPLAN scores of three areas—reading, writing and numeracy—were continuous variables, linear models were fitted to daily average internet time and electronic game play time. The scores were standardized (mean = 0, SD = 1) for model fitness. The binary logistic model was fitted for the dichotomized national standard outcome variable. Separate models were estimated for internet and electronic gaming on weekends and weekdays.

We estimated three different models, where models varied based on covariates used to adjust the GLMs. Model 1 was adjusted for common sociodemographic factors including age and sex of the child, household income, education of primary carer’s and family type 43 . However, the results of this model did not account for some unobserved household characteristics (e.g. taste, preferences) that are unobserved to the researcher and are arguably correlated with potential outcomes. The effects of unobserved characteristics were reduced by using a comprehensive set of observable characteristics 45 , 46 that were available in YMM data. The issue of unobserved characteristics was addressed by estimating two additional models that include variables by including household characteristics such as parental taste, preference and inputs, and child characteristics in the model. In addition to the variables in Model 1, Model 2 included remoteness, primary carer’s mental health status, smoking status and risk of alcoholic related harm by the primary carer. Model 3 further included internet/game addiction of the adolescent in addition to all the covariates in Model 2. Model 3 was expected to account for a child’s level of unobserved characteristics as the children who were addicted to internet/games were different from others. The model will further show how academic performance is affected by internet/game addiction. The correlation among the variables ‘internet/game addiction’ and ‘internet use’ and ‘gaming’ (during weekdays and weekends) were also assessed, and they were less than 0.5. Multicollinearity was assessed using the variance inflation factor (VIF), which was under 5 for all models, suggesting no multicollinearity 47 .

p value below the threshold of 0.05 was considered the threshold of significance. All analysis was conducted in R (version 3.6.1). R-package survey (version 3.37) was used for modelling which is suited for complex survey samples 48 .

Data availability

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Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank the University of Western Australia, Roy Morgan Research, the Australian Government Department of Health for conducting the survey, and the Australian Data Archive for giving access to the YMM survey dataset. The authors also would like to thank Dr Barbara Harmes for proofreading the manuscript.

This research did not receive any specific Grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

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M.I.I.: Methodology, Validation, Visualization, Investigation, Writing—Original draft preparation, Writing—Reviewing and Editing. R.K.B.: Methodology, Software, Data curation, Formal Analysis, Writing—Original draft preparation. R.K.: Conceptualization, Methodology, Supervision, Writing- Reviewing and Editing.

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Islam, M.I., Biswas, R.K. & Khanam, R. Effect of internet use and electronic game-play on academic performance of Australian children. Sci Rep 10 , 21727 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-020-78916-9

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SYSTEMATIC REVIEW article

Massively multiplayer online games and well-being: a systematic literature review.

• 1 School of Health and Behavioural Sciences, University of the Sunshine Coast, Maroochydore, QLD, Australia
• 2 Institute of Health and Sports, Victoria University, Melbourne, VIC, Australia
• 3 School of Psychology, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Athens, Greece
• 4 Thompson Institute, University of the Sunshine Coast, Maroochydore, QLD, Australia

Background: Massively multiplayer online games (MMOs) evolve online, whilst engaging large numbers of participants who play concurrently. Their online socialization component is a primary reason for their high popularity. Interestingly, the adverse effects of MMOs have attracted significant attention compared to their potential benefits.

Methods: To address this deficit, employing PRISMA guidelines, this systematic review aimed to summarize empirical evidence regarding a range of interpersonal and intrapersonal MMO well-being outcomes for those older than 13.

Results: Three databases identified 18 relevant English language studies, 13 quantitative, 4 qualitative and 1 mixed method published between January 2012 and August 2020. A narrative synthesis methodology was employed, whilst validated tools appraised risk of bias and study quality.

Conclusions: A significant positive relationship between playing MMOs and social well-being was concluded, irrespective of one's age and/or their casual or immersed gaming patterns. This finding should be considered in the light of the limited: (a) game platforms investigated; (b) well-being constructs identified; and (c) research quality (i.e., modest). Nonetheless, conclusions are of relevance for game developers and health professionals, who should be cognizant of the significant MMOs-well-being association(s). Future research should focus on broadening the well-being constructs investigated, whilst enhancing the applied methodologies.

Introduction

Internet gaming is a popular activity enjoyed by people around the globe, and across ages and gender ( Internet World Stats, 2020 ). With the addition of Internet Gaming Disorder (IGD) in the 5th edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual for Mental Health Disorders (DSM-5; American Psychiatric Association, 2013 ) as a condition requiring further study, followed by the introduction of Gaming Disorder (GD) as a formal diagnostic classification in the 11th edition of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11; World Health Organization, 2019 ), research concerning the associated adverse effects of gaming has increased ( Kircaburun et al., 2020 ; Teng et al., 2020 ). Accordingly, a series of potentially harmful aspects of internet gaming, such as reduced social skills, aggression, reduced family connection, interruptions to one's work and education have been cited ( Pontes et al., 2020 ).

Despite such likely aversive connotations, the uptake of internet gaming continues to increase. Recent statistics suggest that 64% of adults in the United States (U.S.) are gamers, 59% of those being male, with the average age range situated between 34 to 45 ( Entertainment Software Association, 2020 ). Of note is that 65% of those gamers are playing with others online or in person and they spend an average of 6.6 h playing per week with others online. Similarly, a survey of 801 New Zealand households (2,225 individuals) revealed that two-thirds play video games, with 34 years being the average age ( Brand et al., 2019 ).

Such high levels of game involvement have been interwoven with high reports of potential well-being benefits in the U.S. sample, including 80% for mental stimulation, 63% for problem solving, 55% for connecting with friends, 79% for relaxation and stress relief, 57% for enjoyment, and 50% for accommodating family quality time ( Entertainment Software Association, 2020 ). Interestingly, 30% of U.S. gamers met a good friend, spouse, or significant other through gaming ( Entertainment Software Association, 2020 ). Thus, video gaming does offer benefits, especially for one's socialization; indeed, gaming can simultaneously engage multiple online players ( Pierre-Louis, 2020 ; Pontes et al., 2020 ).

Multiplayer online games involve a broad genre of internet games, which entail participants playing with others in teams or competing within online virtual worlds ( Barnett and Coulson, 2010 ). A 2017 report of 1,234 Australian households (3,135 individuals) found 67% regularly played video games on computers, tablets, mobile phones, handheld devices, and gaming consoles, with 92% of those playing online with others ( Brand et al., 2017 ). When the “multiple-players” component allows the concurrent inclusion of large numbers (i.e., masses) of gamers, games are referred as massively multiplayer online games (MMOs; Stavropoulos et al., 2019 ). Such games employ the internet to simultaneously host millions of users globally. Participants tend to be organized in groups/teams/alliances competing with each other in the context of game worlds with progressively higher demands and challenges ( Adams et al., 2019 ). Massively multiplayer online role-playing games (MMORPG) expand on this format of play with the introduction of role-playing characteristics through the creation of an avatar. This involves the player establishing their own customizable character for their gameplay, providing an opportunity for gamers to experiment with their own identity in a safe environment ( Stavropoulos et al., 2020 ). Thus, MMORPGs constitute a distinct subgenre of MMOs.

A preponderance of recent research on MMOs has focused specifically on the negative effects of problematic gaming or IGD ( Kircaburun et al., 2020 ; Pontes et al., 2020 ). For instance, a systematic review conducted by Männikkö et al. (2017) focused on health-related outcomes of problematic gaming behavior. This review aligns with prior research that looked at the risk factors and adverse health outcomes of excessive internet usage, particularly among adolescents ( Lam, 2014 ; Goh et al., 2019 ). Despite these efforts, Sublette and Mullan (2012) suggested that the evidence regarding the negative health consequences of gaming is inconclusive (e.g., overall health, sleep, aggression). As Internet games, and especially MMOs, may be also played moderately, they can accommodate a series of beneficial effects for the users such as socialization, a sense of achievement, and positive emotion ( Halbrook et al., 2019 ; Zhonggen, 2019 ; Colder Carras et al., 2020 ). Accordingly, the systematic literature review of Scott and Porter-Armstrong (2013) aimed to offer a more balanced view of the whole range of the positive and the negative effects of participation in MMORPGs, including on the psychosocial well-being of adolescents and young adults. They studied six research articles, where both negative and positive outcomes were identified; for instance, they concluded that problematic/pathological gaming associated with the negative outcomes such as depression, disrupted sleep, and avoidance of unpleasant thoughts. However, they also suggested that the MMORPG context could often provide a refuge from real-world issues, where new friendships and cooperative play could provide enjoyment. Correspondingly, a review of videogame use and flourishing mental health employing Seligman's 2011 positive psychology model of well-being (i.e., positive emotion; engagement; relationships; meaning and purpose; and accomplishment) reported that moderate levels of play was associated with improved mood and emotional regulation, decreased stress and emotional distress, and relaxation. Decisively, Jones and colleagues ( Jones et al., 2014 ) asserted that “videogame research must move beyond a “good-bad” dichotomy and develop a more nuanced understanding about videogame play” (p. 7).

Despite the progress made, no systematic literature to date has synthesized the state of the empirical evidence considering the well-being influences of MMOs. This is important for three reasons: (a) MMOs have had significant advancements in the last 5 years, which may have radically altered their well-being potential (i.e., audio, visual, and augmented reality effects; Alha et al., 2019 ; Semanová, 2020 ); (b) the MMO players community has significantly expanded ( Statista, 2021 ) and; (c) growing empirical evidence has widened the available knowledge of the effects of multiplayer gaming ( Sourmelis et al., 2017 ; Cole et al., 2020 ). Consequently, this present systematic review will contribute to the niche research area referring to the MMOs and well-being association. To address this purpose, the notion of psychosocial well-being and its operationalization needs to be clarified. Scott and Porter-Armstrong (2013) conceived one's level of well-being as expressed through an individual's interpersonal and intrapersonal functioning. In that context, the complexity related to the assessment of one's well-being is acknowledged ( Burns, 2015 ; Linton et al., 2016 ). On that basis, this review utilized the six broad well-being themes as delineated by Linton et al. (2016) to inform the theoretical framework of synthesizing MMO well-being related effects and evidence. The six themes are: (a) mental well-being (e.g., a person's thoughts and emotions); (b) social well-being (e.g., interactions and relationships with others, social support); (c) activities and functioning (e.g., daily activities and behavior); (d) physical well-being (e.g., person's physical functioning and capacity); (e) spiritual well-being (e.g., connection to something greater, faith) and; (f) personal circumstances (e.g., environmental factors; Linton et al., 2016 ).

To enhance the utility of findings, the present review will focus on the most prevalent age range of MMO gamers. The entertainment software association reported that of those playing video games, 21% are under the age of 18 years, 38% between 18 and 34, 26% between 35 and 54 and 15% 55 and over ( Pierre-Louis, 2020 ). In addition, the currently most popular MMOs were identified and targeted. According to the entertainment software association, these involve World of Warcraft, RuneScape, and Guild Wars 2 among gamers older than 13 years ( BeStreamer, 2020 ; Entertainment Software Association, 2020 ). All the available empirical evidence derived by randomized, controlled trials, cross-sectional studies, and case studies with n > 1 that identified any MMOs linked well-being outcomes was included and examined across the six well-being domains identified (see Linton et al., 2016 ). Thus, all the range of interpersonal and intrapersonal well-being outcomes for MMO players over the age of 13 were considered. The ultimate aim of this review is to contribute to balancing the available knowledge surrounding the impact of the popular MMO genre, whilst concurrently illustrating directions for gamer-centered and beneficial future research and mental health practice initiatives.

Materials and Methods

This systematic review followed the methodology suggested in the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-analysis (PRISMA; Moher et al., 2009 ; Shamseer et al., 2015 ). Research team discussion and perusal of related published reviews assisted the development of the initial research eligibility, search strategy, and related terms. Inclusion and exclusion criteria were further refined at the selection process stage, after exposure and familiarity with the research area; this review was limited to research obtained from database searches.

Eligibility Criteria

All research investigating massively multiplayer online gaming were eligible for review. The initial search eligibility criteria were (i) a publication date between 2012 to 2020; (ii) written in or translated into English language; and (iii) full-text, peer-reviewed primary research.

Information Sources and Search Strategy

Searches were conducted in August 2020 using online databases, JB searched PsycNET (APA), and PUBMED; whereas, LR searched Scopus (see Figure 1 ). In each case, the following search terms and protocol were used (massively multiplayer online OR multiplayer online OR MMORPG OR MMOG) to search abstracts and/or titles. Searches were limited by publication date, 2012 to the present. No specific terms for well-being outcomes were prescribed to ensure that the literature search remained expansive. Accordingly, potential well-being effects were assessed at the screening stage.

Figure 1 . PRISMA flow diagram for the present study.

Selection Process and Data Management

After the title search, abstracts were independently screened by two investigators (JB & LR) for positive outcome measures, fitting within the identified well-being parameters (i.e., Linton et al., 2016 ). Example terms included, but were not limited to, “well-being,” “quality of life,” “social support,” “belonging,” “positive affect,” and “cognitive ability.” Where abstracts contained insufficient/unclear information, the full-text was reviewed for accurate evaluation. The resultant items/studies/records were pooled, and duplicates were removed. The remaining, potentially relevant studies were divided equally between LR and JB, and the full studies were subsequently (and independently) assessed. Where uncertainty of inclusion was noted, articles were screened by the alternate investigator (i.e., JB or LR). Then, if uncertainty regarding inclusion still remained, investigator LK was the final arbitrator (see Figure 1 ).

This detailed screening process utilized the following inclusion criteria: (i) qualitative or quantitative research of any design; (ii) written in or translated into English language; (iii) a primary study aim was psychological well-being (or a component of psychological well-being; Linton et al., 2016 ); and (iv) it was clearly indicated that participants were aged 13 years or over [according to Entertainment Software Association (2020) age ranges of high gaming prevalence]. Studies were excluded if: (i) they were single case studies, reviews of any kind (e.g., systematic reviews or meta-analyses), dissertations or theses, or opinions or discussion papers; (ii) the focus was IGD, problematic gaming or addiction; (iii) they involved online gambling, sexual foci (e.g., cybersex), exergaming, or e-sports; (iv) the game was not generally available to the wider community or was an educational tool; (v) they focused on motivations for engaging in online gaming or on learning English language; or (vi) gaming was not played on computers. Once articles were pooled, each reviewer independently recorded the reasons for excluding the articles in a shared file.

Data Extraction Process

The final studies were summarized according to the following characteristics: (1) study design (e.g., cross-sectional survey); (2) sample characteristics (i.e., size, source of recruitment); (3) the specific MMORPG(s) emphasized; (4) variables (i.e., types of social capital, types of networks); (5) instruments for assessing key variables (e.g., time in game, social capital); (6) the type of analysis used; (7) main findings in relation to well-being (e.g., relationship between game and well-being or with belongingness); and (8) limitations. Investigators SR and LR each independently reviewed half of the studies, with joint discussion to resolve any uncertainties. Table 1 summarizes the reviewed studies.

Table 1 . Main characteristics of reviewed studies ( N = 18).

Data Analysis Procedures and Quality

Given the diversity of study objectives and well-being outcomes reviewed, meta-analysis was not plausible. Therefore, a narrative synthesis methodology was adopted, as it involves a textual summation and explanation of the data which was considered appropriate considering the focus of this review ( Greenhalgh et al., 2005 ; Popay et al., 2006 ). Following the goals of this review, the analysis aimed to identify the key positive or well-being outcomes of playing MMORPGs. Consequently, comparable studies/results were grouped together categorizing the data into themes (and subthemes) that drew on the six well-being themes identified by Linton et al. (2016) . A narrative account of these results is presented under relevant thematic headings, along with any pertinent moderating factors ( Greenhalgh et al., 2005 ).

Risk of bias and quality of evidence evaluations were undertaken using the Appraisal tool for Cross-Sectional Studies ( Downes et al., 2016 ) for the quantitative studies, and the Critical Appraisal Checklist for Qualitative Research ( Joanna Briggs Institute, 2020 ) for the studies that used a qualitative methodology. The Mixed Methods Appraisal Tool ( Hong et al., 2018 ) was used by JB and LR to conduct their independent appraisals of each study. These were then compared and discussed across each item/study/record to conclude agreement.

Study Selection

As per the flow of information and studies is shown in Figure 1 , a total of 1695 studies (PsycNET n = 524, PubMed n = 500, Scopus n = 671) were identified through the initial search. After abstracts were reviewed, 1,431 studies were excluded due to not being suitable for the present review. A further 64 studies were removed for duplication. A full-text review was done on the remaining 200 studies. Of these 182 studies were excluded due to age of participants ( n = 8), focus on IGD or addiction ( n = 32), focus on motivations/predictors of play ( n = 24), not being in English ( n = 4), not being primary research ( n = 30), focused on education ( n = 16), full-text unable to be accessed ( n = 4), not exclusively MMO ( n = 8), only measuring in-game behaviors ( n = 29), or not meeting well-being criteria ( n = 27). Following this screening process, 18 studies were included in the final narrative synthesis (see Figure 1 ).

Study Characteristics

The main characteristics, including the aims and purpose of each study, the well-being measures used, and the results of each of the final 18 studies are noted Table 1 . For those studies which reported the gender of their participants, males accounted for the majority, ranging from 65 to 100% [the latter being the case in the qualitative study of Gallup et al. (2016) ]. One study was equally represented gender-wise ( Cole et al., 2020 ) and one had slightly more females (51%) than males ( Doh and Whang, 2014 ). Participants were from North America, China, Korea, Greece, and Australia. For those studies that reported the game platform, World of Warcraft was the most common ( n = 10). Twelve studies measured time spent gaming with variable time measures, such as hours weekly, per week-day, and weekend. Averages of hours per week ranged from 11 to 36.7, while daily hours were estimated to vary between 2 and 5.

Risk of Bias and Quality of Studies

Quality of reporting, study design quality and risk of bias was assessed for each of the 13 cross-sectional studies. All the cross-sectional studies had a moderate level of risk of bias [studies: 1–4, 8–10, 12, 13, 15-18]. This included sample issues [studies, 1-4, 8-10, 12, 13, 15, 17, 18]. Only one study provided information to justify their sample size, and this was through pragmatic rather than statistical reasons ( Zhang and Kaufman, 2015 ). Although seven studies [studies, 1, 4, 8, 10, 12, 13, 17] had sample sizes over 300, sample size was deemed to be an issue of concern given the millions of MMOG players globally ( Internet World Stats, 2020 ). Sampling methods raised concerns regarding risk of bias and study design quality, as most studies relied on self-selection, and one MMOG was the primary data collection source [six studies used this MMOG alone (studies 2, 9, 11, 16–18), while four studies (studies 1, 4, 14, 15) included this MMOG], although conclusions were often made with reference to MMOGs as a whole. Only six studies [studies, 2, 3, 10, 13, 15, 16] acknowledged or raised concerns regarding response rates, but did not provide clear information on this or expected response rates due to the impossibility of determining sampling frames. Furthermore, due to participant self-selection, the majority of studies did not compare responders and non-responders. Of the two studies [4, 15] that did consider response bias, one ( Cole et al., 2020 ) found no difference between non-completers and completers, while the other ( Xanthopoulou and Papagiannidis, 2012 ) found differences on four demographic characteristics (age, gender, occupational, and marital status). Considering the quality of design, the majority of the 13 cross-sectional studies were deemed to fall into a fair category, with a major concern being the omission of whether ethical approval or participant consent was obtained [studies 2, 3, 8–10, 12, 13, 15] and only three studies reporting that there were no funding or other conflicts [studies 2, 12, 17].

The Joanna Briggs Institute (JBI) critical appraisal checklist for qualitative research was used to assess risk of bias for the qualitative studies ( Joanna Briggs Institute, 2020 ). Overall, the quality of these four studies [5, 6, 7, 11] was assessed as quite good. The JBI checklist highlighted two key concerns: adequate reporting of the positioning and of the research influence of the investigators. Only two of the four studies provided details as to the role or possible influence of the investigators on the research [studies 5, 7], and only one study [7] provided a statement showing the cultural and or theoretical perspective of the investigator.

Of the 18 studies, four were qualitative [5, 6, 7, 11] one was a mixed method design [14] and the others were all cross-sectional by design [1–4, 8–10, 12, 13, 15–18]. This led to all results showing exclusively correlational and/or regression links/effects, with unclear direction of causality regarding the MMO gaming and well-being experiences association. Only one study ( Xanthopoulou and Papagiannidis, 2012 ) was longitudinal in design with the second measurement being obtained 1 month after the first responses were collected, allowing for stronger predictive inference.

The well-being outcomes assessed in all the studies were operationalized similarly to authors' expectations aligning with the framework provided by Linton et al. (2016) . Two predominant types of positive outcomes were addressed by the included studies: social well-being and mental well-being. Additionally, one study ( Shen and Chen, 2015 ) [13] considered physical well-being. Several game attributes were considered as predictors across the studies reviewed. The most common attribute was the social aspect as examined by 15 studies [2–4, 6–14, 16–18]. This referred to modes of communication (e.g., in-game talk, game bulletin boards, online comms outside the game), “who” the gamers play with (e.g., real-world friends, on-line friends, family), and time spent gaming. The synthesized results are presented through the lenses of the 2 main well-being outcomes identified.

Social Well-Being

Of the 18 studies, 15 included some form of measurement of social well-being. O'Connor et al. (2015) [study 11] reported that participants of WoW game received social support from others within this gaming community. Gallup et al. (2016) [study 6] and Gallup et al. (2017) [study 7] found that using the online game environment was beneficial for secondary and tertiary students with an Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) diagnosis, to develop social connections as well as communication and relationship skills. This skill development also led to improved post-secondary education transitioning. Cole et al. (2020) [study 4] also looked at whether social support increased in the gaming environment, finding that more time spent in playing in guilds as related to higher levels of social support, and that this was correlated with cognitive-emotional outcomes. Additionally, they compared on-line and in-person social support and outcomes, finding differential effects. Cole et al. (2020) [study 4] concluded that MMOGs represent different social support environments, and as such, online worlds could be used as a new and different source of social support. These findings are echoed by Voulgari et al. (2014) [study 14], whose mixed methods research across more than 10 MMOGs found that gaming developed collaborative skills and social bonds additional to real-life relationships. Moreover, gaming constituted a part of the gamers' existing real-world social life.

Social capital effects investigated by the reviewed studies included bonding and bridging aspects. Bonding related social capital implies a deeper form of social support, experienced by those with whom one maintains emotional intimacy, such as their family and friends ( Meng et al., 2015 ) [study 10]. In the game context, bonding social capital refers to the support networks within a specific online gaming group or community, such as one's guild (i.e., group of in-game allies) or group within a particular game ( Claridge, 2020 ). Bridging social capital refers to the support, mainly by sharing information and resources, one may experience from broader and less intimate social groups they belong into, such as their social class, race, and religion ( Perry et al., 2018 ) [study 12]. Castillo (2019) [study 2] found greater bridging social capital experienced when gamers presented more motivated to form relationships with others, compared to gaming for competitive reasons. Moreover, Meng et al. (2015) [study 10] found that playing frequently in the online gaming environment with existing offline friends was positively correlated with both higher bridging and higher bonding social capital. This aligned with Kaye et al. (2017) findings, that playing with online and real-world friends, as well as online interactions in-game and outside, was positively related to both higher bridging and higher bonding social capital.

The study by Perry et al. (2018) [study 12] reported that harmonious passion for playing MMOGs helped build social capital; however, when this passion was obsessive, the outcomes were negative. Their study further found that playing with real-life friends was positively associated with higher bonding social capital experienced by gamers. Interestingly, playing with strangers, and possible new friends, was positively associated with increased bridging social capital. Choi (2019) [study 3] extended such findings by focusing on the link between a gamer's social interactions, avatar identification, and social capital. Higher avatar (i.e., in-game figure representing the gamer) identification was related to increased real-life social capital, with one's greater perception of in-game social interactions linked to higher levels of avatar identification and subsequently elevated social capital.

Three of the articles reviewed [Studies 16, 17, & 18] focused specifically on social well-being among older populations, with all participants exceeding 55 years. These studies by Zhang and Kaufman (2015) [study 16], Zhang and Kaufman (2016) [study 17], and Zhang and Kaufman (2017) [study 18] all looked at the social interactions of older adults in MMORPGs. It was found that enjoyment of relationships in the online game was positively related to both bridging and bonding social capital, and this was partly associated to a gamer's amount of game play, active participation in guilds, and their reported enjoyment of the game. The same three studies also suggested that gaming contributed to maintaining existing family and friend relationships, as well as the development of new meaningful friendships. One of the studies, did imply, however, that new online friends did not easily integrate into the older gamers' real lives ( Zhang and Kaufman, 2017 ) [study 18]. They explained that as the result of older adults' lesser need for large networks, as well as geographical limitations.

Lastly, one article looked at social well-being through the lens of marital satisfaction ( Ahlstrom et al., 2012 ) [study 1]. They reported that compared to couples where only one member is a gamer, couples who game together experience higher levels of marital satisfaction. Higher marital satisfaction was related to more time spent in in-game interaction and higher satisfaction of playing together. They supported that gaming is a leisure activity, where when only one person is immersed, disruption to marital harmony may be caused. Indeed, this was confirmed by both types of couples (e. g., only one gaming vs. both gaming), when considering their different or similar bedtimes and their arguments over the time spent in gaming compared to the time spent together.

Mental Well-Being

A smaller proportion of studies looked at the effects of MMOG on components of mental well-being such as self-esteem, depression, stress, general affect, and skill acquisition. Self-esteem was specifically identified in three articles [Studies 3, 4, & 8] and was related to social support received in the game and with positive gamer identities in an MMORPG ( Kaye et al., 2017 ; Choi, 2019 ; Cole et al., 2020 ). In their study investigating MMO involvement, gamer identity, and social capital, Kaye et al. (2017) [study 8] found that higher MMO involvement increased with higher bonding and bridging social capital and solidified gamers' identity, which in turn increased their self-esteem and decreased their loneliness. Similarly, Choi's 2019 [study 3] study into the effects of avatar self-identification indicated that perceptions of social support from MMORPG increased avatar identification alongside the gamers' real-life self-esteem. In their examination of a Compensatory Social Interaction Model, Cole et al. (2020) [study 2] investigated the associations between one's MMORPG guild play, social support, peer victimization, self-esteem, depression and stress. Gamers who engaged more in guild play, experienced higher levels of social support (compared to levels of peer victimization), which resulted in improved self-esteem, lower depression, and stress symptoms. Martončik and Lokša (2016) [study 9] directly looked at the social effects of WoW's (i.e., guild affiliation, communication used) on individual's mental well-being. Their study revealed that gamers perceived their level of loneliness as significantly lower in the online world than in the real world. Additionally, gaming with others already known to the player in their real-life decreased perceptions of real-world loneliness. Martončik and Lokša (2016) [study 9] also found that levels of anxiety were lower in the online world, when gamers perceived themselves as less lonely. Similarly, lower levels of loneliness and depression among gamers aged over 55 years were predicted by higher quality of guild play [study 18]. This suggested that for older adults, being an active member of an in-game guild, may improve their emotional well-being ( Zhang and Kaufman, 2017 ).

The mixed methods study by Voulgari et al. (2014) [study 14] contributed information across a combination of different social, cognitive, and emotional well-being outcomes of gaming. Their study found that playing MMOGs had positive impacts on gaining social skills and improving cognitive skills, as well as a positive affective impact. The cognitive skills they identified to have been improved included procedural knowledge and problem-solving skills. The acquisition of such cognitive and social skills was reported to be transferable into their offline world. The authors also reported that for some gamers, positive affective impacts, such as enjoyment and satisfaction, were the most important outcomes. In-game and work leadership skills were looked at by Xanthopoulou and Papagiannidis (2012) [study 15] in their examination on the effects of gaming on real-life employment. They found that in-game active learning was reflected in active learning at work, but only for high game performers. Moreover, transformational leadership was shown to spill over into a player's work life, although this appears to be enhanced by higher game performance.

In that line, Doh and Whang (2014) focused on the development of behavioral statements to establish the gaming environment as a different pathway to use in identity development. They reported that a player's motivation to participate in online gaming could progressively lead to an alternated identity. Lastly, Shen and Chen (2015) explored the effect of gaming related social capital into health-related outcomes. This study found that bonding and not bridging social capital occurring while playing online related to reduced health disruption in one's daily lives.

The increasing preference for MMO gaming for leisure and e-sport has led to a large body of research investigating the possible adverse outcomes related to their excessive usage ( Stavropoulos et al., 2019 , 2020 ). However, less is known about the possible benefits of moderate MMO gaming for one's individual psychosocial well-being. The aim of this review was two-fold: (a) to identify and summarize the empirical evidence for the potential interpersonal and intrapersonal positive well-being outcomes for non-excessive MMO players over the age of 13; and (b) to identify possible research priorities in relation to better understanding the beneficial effects of MMO gaming. Overall, a positive relationship between playing MMOs and social well-being was found.

This systematic review identified 18 studies that were published between 2012 and 2020, and which investigated the adaptive well-being outcomes of MMOG for adolescent and adult players. These studies examined two key aspects of psychosocial well-being, as defined by Linton et al. (2016) . Firstly, one's social well-being, encompassing individuals' connections with others—their interactions, their depth of relationships, and the social support their connections provided, was emphasized by the reviewed empirical evidence. This was the dominant topic of interest, while the gamers' mental well-being (e.g., individual psychological, emotional, and cognitive aspects) followed. In order to investigate these outcomes, gaming attributes such as gaming time, game performance, gamer identity, types of communication one is engaged in, type of co-players (e.g., online or offline friends, family, strangers), and guild membership were examined.

In that context, a commonly used measure of social well-being employed in the studies reviewed was social capital. The significant positive relationship found between MMOG engagement and bridging and bonding social capital in those studies appears promising. Specifically, reviewed findings in studies 2, 10, 12, and 16 suggest there is strong support for the notion that MMO gaming may foster one's social well-being in both virtual worlds and in their off-line lives ( Meng et al., 2015 ; Zhang and Kaufman, 2015 ; Perry et al., 2018 ; Castillo, 2019 ). Moreover, such evidence is strengthened by studies 1, 3, 4, 6, & 18, which utilized more discrete measures of social well-being, such as one's perceptions of social support, social interactions, and marital satisfaction, showing that MMO gaming bolstered these too ( Ahlstrom et al., 2012 ; Gallup et al., 2016 ; Zhang and Kaufman, 2017 ; Choi, 2019 ; Cole et al., 2020 ). These overall positive conclusive impacts on one's social well-being seem to be reasonably robust given (a) the diverse game attributes considered in these studies (e.g., time spent in play, gamer identity, frequency of play with different types of co-players, avatar identification); and (b) the diverse age and ethnicities of gamers that these impacts were found with-including a small and unique group of gamers with ASD. Moreover, the impacts of MMORPG on social well-being were apparent in both quantitative and qualitative research. Nevertheless, and in line with the current PRISMA systematic literature review's study eligibility criteria, it should be reiterated that the majority of the gamers in the studies reviewed were classified as non-problematic gamers, with study 5 actively excluding those who fit criteria for addiction (e.g., Doh and Whang, 2014 ). Similarly, reviewed studies 12 and 18 included gamers who could be classified as experienced and/or as heavy users, yet they had received no formal diagnosis ( Zhang and Kaufman, 2017 ; Perry et al., 2018 ). Thus, due to the wide range of time participants spent gaming, the findings are applicable to both the more casual and immersed gamer populations, solidifying the positive effects of MMO gaming on one's social well-being.

Further, the reviewed studies examined the mental well-being effects of one's MMO gaming. Self-esteem, loneliness, depression, and positive affect were the main psychological outcomes investigated, while studies 7 and 14 looked at cognitive skill acquisition ( Voulgari et al., 2014 ; Gallup et al., 2017 ). Overall, these studies found that gaming bolstered self-esteem, and reduced depression, stress, and loneliness, whilst fostering cognitive and social skills. However, these positive findings should be treated with some caution, as these variables were only considered in a handful of the studies and such revealed effects may be interwoven with one's concurrently experienced positive social well-being outcomes. More studies need to be conducted among MMO gamers, in which mental well-being outcomes are of primary focus, and social variables are controlled for.

Taken together, this review provides validation to game developers, educators, health professionals, and policy makers, that despite evidence regarding the adverse outcomes of excessive MMO gaming and problematic gaming behavior, there are important psychosocial benefits to be gained from moderate and adaptive gaming. This information is relevant to game developers as they should be encouraged to find ways to enhance social contact opportunities. Moreover, it is important that health professionals and educators are aware that MMO gaming is an avenue for social connection and support, similar to other real-world leisure and sporting pursuits. Pathologizing gaming could well undermine the identity, social, and psychological well-being of those who actively benefit by their moderate and adaptive gaming engagement.

Strengths and Limitations

The validity of these results is restricted due to the heterogeneity of methodologies used in the studies reviewed. Although qualitative and quantitative empirical evidence was included, most studies used a descriptive design to assess the self-reported effects of MMO gaming on well-being. Moreover, although many of the studies controlled for some covariates, such as demographic variables or gaming time, variables of interest were narrow, and other unmeasured variables might account for some of the observed effects. Additionally, although many of the predictor measures had solid theoretical bases, others have not been fully trialed (e.g., intensity of interaction, multimodal connectedness), contributing to possible validity issues. Furthermore, the value of the findings is impacted by a lack of generalizable results. For example, self-selection bias was reported by several studies, where heavy gamers or an overly well-educated sample was used, and some studies looked at specific populations (e.g., 55+ years, those with ASD; Zhang and Kaufman, 2015 ; Gallup et al., 2017 ) [See studies 7 & 16]. The sample of MMO games examined was also narrow, with WoW dominating. Finally, only a limited number of well-being constructs were examined by the 18 studies, thus the conclusions regarding well-being have limited generalizability/need to be treated with caution due to narrow constructs covered. Of note was a lack of variety in the well-being outcomes being studied. While social well-being is an important part of MMO gaming, little is known about other aspects of well-being such as mental well-being, spiritual well-being, and physical well-being. The fact that no randomized control trials have been undertaken to contribute to the research on well-being outcomes and MMO participation is an important omission in this field of study.

This review was limited to peer-reviewed studies published in three academic databases between 2012 and August 2020, at one particular point in time. Therefore, the review may be subject to English-language and publication bias, and the studies included may not be a representative sample. Relevant research may also have been missed due to including the use of selected search terms, and this review did not include non-peer-reviewed literature (e.g., theses, conference proceedings), which may have omitted important data. Finally, well-being is a broad concept, and other reviews may generate different empirical evidence dependent on the operationalizations followed.

Despite the noted review-level limitations, this study has several strengths. First, this review used rigorous methodology, following PRISMA guidelines and assessing quality and risk of bias using validated tools. Additionally, the inclusivity of study design has meant we have captured data through diverse approaches with similar outcomes. Finally, the broad search parameters with regards well-being ensured that we did not limit the construct to narrow conceptualizations of well-being outcomes related to MMO gaming.

This review has offered a valuable examination of the current research on the psychosocial benefits of multiplayer online gaming. It is important to note the number of reviewed studies that reported significant positive outcomes regarding social well-being. The major limitation of the review relates to the modest quality of research in the area, and the limited aspects of well-being investigated to date. While social well-being is an important part of MMO gaming, there is very little known about other aspects of well-being such as mental well-being, spiritual well-being, and physical well-being.

Recommendations for future research include broadening the well-being constructs that are investigated in relation to gaming. Clear and consistent operationalization of commonly used variables and measures and standardized demographic information would provide greater validity and comparability of results. Longitudinal research in which baseline measurements of well-being and other variables are taken to assess changes in this outcome, to determine causation and not merely correlational effects is also required. Finally, using a greater variety of gaming platforms, instead of mostly WoW, would provide increased robustness for positive well-being outcomes related to MMOGs.

Data Availability Statement

The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article, further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author/s.

Author Contributions

LR and JB performed the bibliographic search, participated in the selection of included studies, resolved methodological doubts of possible studies, and helped in the all versions of this manuscript. LK-D and VS were senior authors and were involved in the review design and review aim, also the above processes conducted by LR and JB, and manuscript revision and submission. PM, AA, HS, JM, TD, and AW contributed in the interpretation of the results and the improvement of the manuscript. PM also contributed to mentoring in the PRISMA process. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.

VS has received the Australian Research Council, Discovery Early Career Researcher Award (DE210101107).

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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Keywords: MMOs, internet gaming, systematic literature review, PRISMA, well-being, massively multiplayer online

Citation: Raith L, Bignill J, Stavropoulos V, Millear P, Allen A, Stallman HM, Mason J, De Regt T, Wood A and Kannis-Dymand L (2021) Massively Multiplayer Online Games and Well-Being: A Systematic Literature Review. Front. Psychol. 12:698799. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2021.698799

Received: 22 April 2021; Accepted: 25 May 2021; Published: 30 June 2021.

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Copyright © 2021 Raith, Bignill, Stavropoulos, Millear, Allen, Stallman, Mason, De Regt, Wood and Kannis-Dymand. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Vasileios Stavropoulos, Vasileios.Stavropoulos@vu.edu.au

† These authors have contributed equally to this work and share first authorship

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

The Role of Virtual Communities in Gambling and Gaming Behaviors: A Systematic Review

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• Open access
• Published: 18 April 2020
• Volume 37 , pages 165–187, ( 2021 )

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• Anu Sirola   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-2195-8114 1 ,
• Nina Savela   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-7042-6889 1 ,
• Iina Savolainen   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-8811-965X 1 ,
• Markus Kaakinen   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-7067-1665 2 &
• Atte Oksanen   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-4143-5580 1  

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Gambling opportunities are facilitated by the growth of the Internet and social media platforms. Digital games also increasingly include monetary features, such as microtransactions, blurring the line between gambling and gaming. The Internet provides a variety of virtual communities for gamblers and gamers, but comprehensive research on these communities and their relevance in gambling and monetary gaming behaviors remains scarce. This paper summarizes research of online gambling and monetary gaming communities based on a systematic literature review. A systematic literature search was conducted from five databases: Scopus, Web of Science, PsycINFO, Social Science Premium Collection, and EBSCOhost. The search was limited to empirical articles that focused on gambling or gaming involving money and examined online interaction between gamblers or gamers. Preliminary search resulted in 1056 articles, from which 55 were selected for the analyses based on pre-determined criteria. According to results, online communities serve different functions in gambling and gaming behaviors. Gambling communities are typically forums for discussing and sharing gambling experiences, strategies, and tips as well as gambling problems, while gaming communities are inherently embedded inside a game being an essential part of the gaming experience. Identification with virtual communities influences gambling behavior and monetary gaming behavior through mechanisms of perceived norms, social influence, and community feedback. Whereas some gambling communities may provide protection from excessive gambling habits, gaming communities seem to solely motivate gaming behavior and purchase intentions. The role of online communities should be acknowledged in prevention and treatment of gambling and gaming problems.

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Introduction

The Internet and social media have facilitated and extended gambling opportunities via exponential growth of online gambling platforms. Consequently, social media users are increasingly exposed to gambling content and gambling-like activities in social media (King and Delfabbro 2016 ). At the same time, gambling problems are growing globally (Calado and Griffiths 2016 ). Online games and video games increasingly include gambling-like and monetary features, such as microtransactions (Jacques et al. 2016 ; H. S. Kim et al. 2017 ; King et al. 2015 ), blurring the line between gambling and gaming. Gambling and gambling-like behaviors can be detrimental particularly when excessive, and lead to severe and long-lasting problems, such as economic difficulties (Oksanen et al. 2018 ).

In addition to gambling and gaming platforms, the Internet also offers social environments for gamblers and gamers, such as discussion forums and in-game interaction tools. These kinds of consumption-related online communities (Kozinets 1999 ) and their social aspects may have an important role in gambling and monetary gaming behaviors, but comprehensive research on these communities and their relevance to users remains scarce. In this systematic literature review, we aim to summarize earlier research on online gambling and gaming communities and their role in gambling and monetary gaming behaviors.

The Blurring Line Between Gambling and Gaming

Gambling and gaming have been traditionally perceived as distinct activities. King et al. ( 2015 ) roughly distinguish gambling and gaming based on their central features: gambling is characterized by its risk-involving, chance-determined outcomes and monetary features, such as wagering and betting mechanisms, whereas gaming is characterized by interactive, skill-based play and contextual relevance in game progress and success. However, these boundaries have become more and more blurred, partly due to technological divergence.

Digital games increasingly utilize monetary features, typically microtransactions, as revenue models. Microtransactions are needed, for example, to get additional features or better equipment in a game. Also, so called “loot boxes” have become common particularly in video games, sharing the chance-determined features of gambling. Loot boxes are virtual entities that contain randomized items (e.g., weapons or other equipment) and can be paid with real-world money. Recent research found that spending on loot boxes was associated with problematic gambling (Zendle and Cairns 2018 ). It has also been suggested that due to many similarities between gambling and gaming, playing video games would increase a desire to gamble; but recent research has not fully supported this (Forrest et al. 2016 ; Macey and Hamari 2018 ).

In addition to video games, online games increasingly include gambling-like features. For example, social media sites, such as Facebook, include social games that simulate gambling activities like poker, roulette, or slot machines (Calado et al. 2018 ; Jacques et al. 2016 ; King et al. 2014 ). Although these types of games are often perceived as harmless and safe alternatives for real-money gambling, their gambling-like characteristics may also trigger motivation for real gambling (King et al. 2014 ) and teach mechanisms of gambling to children and adolescents (King et al. 2010 ). Moreover, while “free-to-play” games do not initially require real-money use, they typically encourage players to make in-game purchases (i.e., microtransactions) to get access to additional features (H. S. Kim et al. 2017 ; Paavilainen et al. 2013 ). The aforementioned studies demonstrate that gambling and gaming can no longer be perceived as fully distinct activities. Rather, they increasingly share common characteristics related to gambling-like mechanisms.

Online Communities: Social Dimension of Gambling and Gaming

Humans have a basic need for social belonging and relatedness (Baumeister and Leary 1995 ; Deci and Ryan 2000 ), which is one of the reasons behind the success of online communities and social media (Keipi and Oksanen 2014 ; McKenna and Bargh 1999 ; Reich and Vorderer 2013 ; William et al. 2000 ). Following Kozinets’ ( 1999 ) fundamental definition, virtual communities (i.e., online communities) consist of groups of people sharing social interactions, social ties, and virtual spaces for interactions. Communities are characterized by shared interests, goals, and norms that unite like-minded individuals (Preece 2000 ; Rheingold 1993 ). Indeed, in a virtual environment people have a tendency toward homophily, that is, to seek for and interact with similar others (Centola and van de Rijt 2015 ; McPherson et al. 2001 ).

Identifying with a virtual community consisting of like-minded people may have important consequences for a user (Kaakinen et al. 2020 ). Identifying with the community’s shared social identity and internalizing its group norms affect user behavior (Zhou 2011 ). Moreover, social media research shows that people often rely on information and content provided by their in-group members (Flanagin et al. 2014 ). Particularly when talking about potentially addictive behaviors, identifying with an online community can influence intentions and attitudes toward harmful direction and normalize maladaptive behavior (Oksanen et al. 2016 ). However, online communities and shared identity may also be beneficial in overcoming an addiction (McNamara and Parsons 2016 ).

In terms of gambling and gaming, online communities cover various kinds of virtual spaces, such as discussion forums and social network sites, where gamblers and gamers can interact with other gamblers and gamers. However, social interaction is not limited to distinct online platforms, as games often also include in-game interactive tools. Video games, in particular, are typically formed around interactive elements, such as communicating with one’s team members during the game, which are not essentially the case in traditional forms of gambling activities (Cole and Griffiths 2007 ; King et al. 2015 ). In particular, Massively Multiplayer Online Role-Playing Games (MMORPGs) are characterized by their community aspects and joint playing. In MMORPGs, gaming typically takes place in “guilds” that can be defined as long-lasting social structures where players are interdependent on each other’s contribution (Zhong 2011 ). Guild playing is also important in terms of a player’s game-related social identity (Guegan et al. 2015 ). In this review, we examine these different virtual spaces and their role in gambling and monetary gaming behaviors in more depth.

Current Study

The aim of this study is to bring additional insight into the gambling and gaming phenomena by investigating the role of online communities in gambling and monetary gaming behaviors. In this review, we adopt a loose definition of online communities (see Kozinets 1999 ; Preece 2000 ; Rheingold 1993 ) to cover various kinds of interactive online platforms for gamblers and gamers.

Some systematic reviews close to our topic have been conducted, for example in terms of online game communities (Warmelink and Siitonen 2013 ) and user participation in different online communities (Malinen 2015 ). However, our focus lies in the social aspects of the online gambling and monetary gaming phenomena. Thus, we aim to synthesize empirical evidence of the key characteristics and the roles of virtual gambling and gaming communities in gambling and monetary gaming behaviors. Since we are specifically interested in the role of virtual communities in gambling and gambling-like behaviors, we narrow our perspective of gaming to cover only gaming involving money. We believe this is reasonable when examining gaming alongside gambling. As we argued earlier, it is meaningful to include both gambling and gaming phenomena because of their combined monetary features; but, as such, we are also able to compare possible differences among these communities. Consequently, the more general role of online communities in gaming is out of our focus.

Our research questions are as follows:

RQ1 What is the role of virtual gambling communities in gambling behavior?

RQ2 What is the role of virtual gaming communities in monetary gaming behavior?

RQ3 Are there notable qualitative differences between virtual gambling and gaming communities?

Data Collection

To answer our research questions, we conducted a conceptual review with a systematic data collection process (e.g., Petticrew and Roberts 2006 , p. 39). The data were collected in two phases: The original search was conducted in July 2018 from five comprehensive databases: Scopus (Elsevier), Web of Science (Clarivate), PsycINFO (APA), Social Science Premium Collection (ProQuest), and EBSCOhost (EBSCO) with all databases selected. The search engines were set to search hits from abstracts, titles, and keywords using the same search phrase in each database: (gambl* OR gaming OR gamer) AND (internet OR online OR virtual OR digital) AND (“online communit*” OR “virtual communit*” OR “online group*” OR “virtual group*” OR “online discuss*” OR “chat room*” OR “online social network*” OR “forum*”). In addition to author keywords, the database keyword indexes were included in the search fields when applicable. Due to the vast amount of magazines and other irrelevant sources in Social Science Premium Collection and EBSCOhost, only scholarly or academic journals were selected using the filtering options within the search engines. We used no other limits in the search engines, for example, year or language. After removing duplicates, the database search resulted in 885 articles.

In order to keep the data up-to-date, we conducted an additional literature search in February 2020, following the same steps and guidelines established in 2018. The search was conducted from the same five databases: Scopus (Elsevier), Web of Science (Clarivate), PsycINFO (APA), Social Science Premium Collection (ProQuest), and EBSCOhost (EBSCO). In databases, the publication time was limited to cover years 2018-2020. After removing duplicates and overlaps with data gathered in 2018, the additional database search resulted in 171 articles.

In both data collection phases, studies were included based on the following criteria. (1) The article empirically examines participation or social interaction in online communities or networks related to gambling or gaming involving money. Participation or interaction can include aspects such as participation frequency, motivation, level of identification, or shared content between users. (2) The article empirically examines behavioral factors associated with participation or social interaction in online community or networks related to gambling or gaming involving money. Behavioral factors can include aspects such as virtual purchase behavior, frequency of gambling or gaming behaviors or other kinds of gambling and gaming behaviors involving money. Consequently, studies were excluded if they did not mention gambling, monetary gaming, or social interaction between gamblers and gamers; if they were theoretical articles or literature reviews; book or conference introductions; or were not published in English.

In the first data collection phase in 2018, two coders independently checked the 885 articles with pre-determined inclusion criteria. An inter-rater reliability test revealed that the average inter-rater agreement was 87.39% (Cohen’s kappa = .61). After this, the first author (not involved in the previous inclusion check) checked the articles that previous coders classified as included by reading the articles thoroughly. Disagreements and borderline cases were discussed within the research team. The final selection check of this first phase resulted in 44 articles (see Fig.  1 ).

Data collection and selection process accomplished in two phases in 2018 and 2020

In the second data collection phase in 2020, two coders independently checked the 171 articles using the same pre-determined inclusion criteria defined in 2018. The average inter-rater agreement was 94.34% (Cohen’s kappa = .58). Disagreements and borderline cases were discussed with the research team. The final selection check of this additional phase resulted in 11 articles. After additional data collection, we obtained a final dataset consisting of 55 articles (see Fig.  1 ).

Method of Analysis

Our aim was to summarize evidence of the role of online gambling and gaming communities in gambling and monetary gaming behaviors. We categorized the articles by characteristics relevant to our research: research type (quantitative or qualitative), sample characteristics, study context, topic (gambling, gaming, or both), and type of virtual community (e.g., discussion forum or in-game community). We used content analysis to summarize the main findings of the studies relevant to our research questions. Due to heterogeneity in terms of study design, participants, measures, and methods, we did not conduct a meta-analysis of the results.

General Details About Published Studies

Studies included in the data ( n  = 55) were published between 2003 and 2020. Out of all the studies, over half (60%) were quantitative, 31% qualitative, and 9% mixed method, utilizing both quantitative and qualitative methods. Over half (60%) of the studies were gaming studies, while 35% were gambling studies, and 5% examined both gambling and gaming. In about half of the studies (48%), respondents were either from multiple countries or the study context was not explicitly mentioned. One reason for this is many of the studies utilized online surveys gathered via international online websites and forums or ethnographic data from online platforms. Regarding specific country locations, most research was conducted in Taiwan (15%), followed by Australia (7%), Finland (5%), and the United States (5%) (see Table  1 ). Main characteristics of the included studies are reported in Table 2 .

Online Gambling Communities

According to the reviewed studies, online gambling communities exist typically outside the game, for example, in the form of discussion forums that are created around gambling discussions. There are gambling forums for mutual gambling discussions, such as sharing gambling tips, strategies, and experiences (Howe et al. 2019 ; O’Leary and Carroll 2013 ; Parke and Griffiths 2011 ; Schüll 2016 ; Sirola et al. 2018 , 2019 ), and also forums for sharing gambling problem experiences and discussing the downsides and related problems of gambling (Caputo 2015 ; Hing et al. 2015 ; Järvinen-Tassopoulos 2016 ; McGowan 2003 ; Mudry and Strong 2013 ; Rantala and Sulkunen 2012 ; Rodda et al. 2018 ; Sirola et al. 2018 , 2019 ; Wood and Wood 2009 ). In addition, there are also some in-game interactional tools, such as chat opportunities, for gamblers, particularly in online poker (Khazaal et al. 2017 ; Schüll 2016 ; Smith et al. 2012 ) and in online social casino games (Gainsbury et al. 2015 ).

Participation in online communities with positive gambling attitudes is a risk factor for excessive gambling (Howe et al. 2019 ; Sirola et al. 2018 , 2019 ). A study by Sirola et al. ( 2019 ) found that sense of loneliness moderated the association between excessive gambling and daily online gambling community participation in Finland, indicating that lonely problem gamblers are most likely to actively participate in such communities. Online poker communities are mostly used for sharing poker experiences and seeking social reinforcement for gambling successes; these kinds of communities may also increase poker playing and help develop cognitive biases concerning gambling (Parke and Griffiths 2011 ). However, there was also some evidence that actively participating in mutual discussion in a gambling community and actively consuming money in online gambling are mutually exclusive activities (Kaptein et al. 2015 ; Lindholm et al. 2012 ). Using longitudinal data of online poker players, it was noticed that when consumers increased their community activity, they also reduced their poker-related consumption (Lindholm et al. 2012 ). In addition, when relatively inactive community members increased their community activity, it was related to increased money consumption, while already active members’ increase in community engagement was related to decreased spending (Kaptein et al. 2015 ).

Online poker players share their poker data and experiences of former games with other poker players in online forums, chat threads, and message boards to get feedback and help to identify flaws in performance; this may also protect from overvaluing one’s poker skills (Schüll 2016 ). Feedback from the community members is considered helpful in developing one’s poker skills, and it may even reduce the risk of problematic gambling, as long as the information provided is accurate (Parke and Griffiths 2011 ). In addition, socializing with other players during online gambling by utilizing in-game interaction tools is associated with less problematic forms of gambling (Khazaal et al. 2017 ; Smith et al. 2012 ). A study by Khazaal et al. ( 2017 ) found that gambling problems were more severe among lonely online gamblers who did not utilize social interaction tools in a game or preferred to gamble against the computer. Thus, it seems that in online poker, utilizing poker communities both in- and outside the game may protect the player from developing excessive poker gambling habits.

Although communities may offer safeguards for poker players, research shows that gambling-related social networks and exposure to the gambling activities of peers may normalize gambling and make it attractive. Gambling-related activities of Facebook friends, such as “liking” social casino games and inviting friends to play, influence users’ intentions to try these gambling or gambling-like activities (Gainsbury et al. 2015 ). In mobile social-network games, the perceived number of users and friends increases the jackpot and purchase intentions of probability-based items (Lee et al. 2018 ). In online sports betting communities, users prefer sharing personal betting results and wagering opinions and predictions with others (Wen et al. 2016 ). Users can also extend their gambling-related networks to share wagering tips and celebrate wins with others; these kinds of gambling-positive discussions may contribute to the normalization of gambling (Deans et al. 2017 ).

Communities focusing on gambling problems have essential roles for those coping with problematic gambling; they may even help with overcoming problems. Discussions on gambling problem forums are grounded in sharing gambling problem experiences and related problems (Caputo 2015 ; Järvinen-Tassopoulos 2016 ; Rantala and Sulkunen 2012 ), and also strategies for getting rid of gambling problems (Rodda et al. 2018 ). From a user’s perspective, these kinds of communities are important sources of mutual support, by helping him or her to better cope with gambling problems and to feel less alone with his or her problems (Wood and Wood 2009 ). However, a survey study from Finland on young respondents aged 15–25 found that the main motivation for respondents to engage in online gambling communities was to share gambling tips and general gambling information, while only a few mentioned discussing gambling problems and recovery (Sirola et al. 2018 ). Also, a study by Hing et al. ( 2015 ) found that online problem gamblers were more reluctant to utilize online support groups or discussion boards compared to land-based problem gamblers.

Gambling communities are grounded on mutual norms, where it is important to conform in order to be accepted as a legitimate member of the community (Mudry and Strong 2013 ; O’Leary and Carroll 2013 ). Communities are also important for a gambler’s identity; poker forums are spaces to construct poker player identities (O’Leary and Carroll 2013 ), but online communities focused on problem gambling can also be utilized in negotiating and (re)constructing problem gambler identities (Järvinen-Tassopoulos 2016 ; Mudry and Strong 2013 ).

There was also some evidence of gender-specific differences in the use of online gambling communities. In a study by Khazaal et al. ( 2017 ), women were less prone to utilize in-game interaction tools; this could be at least partly explained by the male-dominance typically associated with gambling. Since gambling problems have traditionally been more common among males than females, online forums offer a space for female problem gamblers to anonymously share their gambling problem experiences (Järvinen-Tassopoulos 2016 ; McGowan 2003 ; Wood and Wood 2009 ), which can be challenging or intimidating in male-dominated face-to-face groups (McGowan 2003 ). Also, in a study by Wood and Wood ( 2009 ), significantly more women than men found gambling problem forums helpful in coping with their gambling problem.

Online Gaming Communities

According to reviewed studies, online gaming communities inherently exist inside the game. This is especially true with MMORPGs (Badrinarayanan et al. 2014 , 2015 ; Ben-Ur et al. 2015 ; Fang et al. 2009 ; Gui 2018 ; Hota and Derbaix 2016 ; Jin et al. 2017 ; Park et al. 2018 ; Pinto et al. 2015 ). MMORPG playing typically takes place in guilds, that is, long-lasting social groups where players collaborate in order to better game success. In guilds, players share their skills, knowledge, and virtual resources, such as money, with each other (Gui 2018 ; Pinto et al. 2015 ). The player roles in guilds are important in terms of teamwork contributions. An example of this type of contribution would be taking care of a guild bank that is used for sharing common resources, like items and money (Rapp 2018 ). Social interaction with other players is one of the motivating factors in playing (Fang et al. 2009 ), and it may also have positive outcomes for a player’s social capital. Indeed, a study by Hickerson and Mowen ( 2012 ) found that gamers who utilized social bonding in video games reported positive social outcomes, such as friend-based social support.

Perceived group cohesion is an important determinant in a user’s preference for participating in an online game community, and a community’s social norms can affect a customer’s loyalty towards the community (Hsu and Lu 2007 ). Ben-Ur et al. ( 2015 ) suggested that a strong virtual game community intensifies hedonic consumption experience and satisfaction among its members. Lin et al. ( 2008 ) found that women are more likely than men to commit to a game if it utilizes interactional tools to create and maintain social relationships with other gamers; this was also associated with consumer satisfaction and loyalty. According to  M. Kim and J. Kim ( 2018 ), financial incentives (e.g. special price offerings or rewards) in an online game community, alongside with social and structural bonds, play an important role in users’ online community engagement.

Various studies indicated that a game community, either in-game or out-game, has an important role in terms of purchase intentions and consumption behavior within a game. Huang et al. ( 2018 ) found that gamers’ interdependence (i.e. depending on other players’ opinions) and network convergence (i.e. shared friends with other players) were positively related to continuance intention. A study by Zhang et al. ( 2018 ) found that players’ sense of community in game communities is positively associated with purchase behavior. In a study of Pokémon Go users by Ghazali et al. ( 2019 ), discussing the game and sharing experiences in a virtual game community enhanced gaming experience, and online community involvement mediated the relationship between network externality and continuance intention. In terms of MMORPG communities, studies utilizing structural equation modeling illustrated that identifying with a specific MMORPG community drives purchase intention and consumption behavior (Badrinarayanan et al. 2014 , 2015 ). Sierra et al. ( 2016 ) found that becoming attached to a MMORPG community intensifies a player’s tribal psyche associated with the MMORPG, which in turn enhances self-esteem. Further, self-esteem positively influences virtual purchase intentions within the MMORPG. A study by Canossa et al. ( 2019 ) indicated that game networks have a social contagion effect in a way that certain active players serve as influencers in a gaming network. These influencers then impact other players’ gaming habits, such as time and money invested in a game, and social play with others (Canossa et al. 2019 ).

Studies also examined the role of social influence in gaming communities in terms of virtual purchases. According to Hsieh and Tseng ( 2018 ), online informational influence (i.e., relying on online peers’ knowledge of online games and virtual items) directly affects intentions to buy virtual items, and this relationship was also mediated by happiness. In a study by Shukla and Drennan ( 2018 ), it was found that normative interpersonal influence (i.e., conformity in order to be approved by peers) and community identity within the MMORPG community influence virtual purchase intentions. In a study by Chang et al. ( 2014 ), peer-influence was positively associated with subjective norm, and subjective norm was further positively related to continuance intention to play online games. Park et al. ( 2018 ) found that social interaction between users in a MMORPG community positively affects both hedonic and functional product purchases, but social influence has a stronger impact on consumption of hedonic rather than functional products. Hota and Derbaix ( 2016 ) found that even 8–12-year-old children utilize teamwork aspects in their gaming and are susceptible to peer influence in virtual consumption. Observed gaming behavior and social norms of other players may influence excessive gaming behavior through social learning mechanisms (Gong et al. 2019 ). A study by King et al. ( 2020 ) found that in a highly popular online game Fortnite, spending on microtransactions was influenced by in-game friends’ purchase behavior. In addition, those who belonged to a larger online social network of Fortnite players were likely to spend money on microtransactions.

The motives for buying virtual items in online games are functional, hedonistic, and social; virtual items have social value, for example, in terms of social distinction and status (Lehdonvirta 2009 ). Interviews with 8–12-year-old children revealed that boys prefer buying virtual items for better game performance, while girls buy items for social status (Hota and Derbaix 2016 ). According to Gong et al. ( 2019 ), young gamers who play excessively spend lots of money on in-game purchases, which can lead to conflicts with family members.

Players help each other in virtual game communities by giving tips to better game performance (Ben-Ur et al. 2015 ; Hota and Derbaix 2016 ), sharing knowledge of the virtual products (Hota and Derbaix 2016 ), and recommending suitable and discounted games for others (Ben-Ur et al. 2015 ; Vella et al. 2019 ). Symbolic customer value, such as group membership in a game community, positively affects purchase intentions and likelihood to recommend products or services in online word-of-mouth communications (Liao et al. 2012 ). In a study by Huang et al. ( 2012 ), a sense of virtual community moderated the influence of other users’ comments on attitudes and purchase intentions.

Membership of a guild becomes an important and extended part of the identity, which becomes manifested in game-related consumption (Pinto et al. 2015 ). Both technological (i.e., interactivity, social presence) and user factors (i.e., social ties, social identity) have strong positive relationships with the users’ purchase intentions; further, social ties and social identities affect user engagement and community satisfaction (Jin et al. 2017 ).

MMORPGs and their guild-systems are characterized by shared roles (Rapp 2018 ) and mutual norms and policies concerning acceptable gaming behaviors. Malicious and grief (i.e., impolite and unethical) players are perceived as threatening to the community and its playing policies (Hsu and Lu 2007 ). Cheating and scamming in order to gain monetary benefits and virtual items are seen as norm-breaking and are socially sanctioned behaviors within game communities (Blackburn et al. 2014 ; Goodfellow 2015 ). However, in some game communities, such as in Habbo Hotel, scamming and cheating are regarded as normal and harmless activities despite their antisocial nature (Griffiths and Light 2008 ).

In addition to in-game communities, there are also game-related discussion forums where gamers can interact (Ben-Ur et al. 2015 ; Goodfellow 2015 ; Gui 2018 ; Huang et al. 2012 ; Y. B. Kim et al. 2015 , 2017 ). Game forums are important platforms for gamers to share experiences of games, and this kind of word-of-mouth communication may also affect game purchase intentions (Huang et al. 2012 ). In game review forums, gamers give recommendations of games for other players (Ben-Ur et al. 2015 ). In game-specific discussion forums, gamers can discuss all the things related to a specific game and, for example, criticize other players’ playing strategies and habits (Goodfellow 2015 ). Gamers also share their opinions of in-game virtual currencies in game-specific discussion forums, and even currency value fluctuations can be predicted based on these user opinions (Y. B. Kim et al. 2015 ,  2017 ).

Similarities and Differences Between Online Gambling and Gaming Communities

Online gambling and gaming communities have both differences and similarities regarding characteristics, reasons of use, and outcomes of use (see Table  3 ). In gambling studies, online communities are typically discussion forums and other virtual spaces that exist outside a game (Caputo 2015 ; Hing et al. 2015 ; Howe et al. 2019 ; Järvinen-Tassopoulos 2016 ; McGowan 2003 ; Mudry and Strong 2013 ; O’Leary and Carroll 2013 ; Parke and Griffiths 2011 ; Rantala and Sulkunen 2012 ; Rodda et al. 2018 ; Schüll 2016 ; Sirola et al. 2018 , 2019 ; Wood and Wood 2009 ), but also some in-game interaction tools exist particularly in online poker (Khazaal et al. 2017 ; Schüll 2016 ; Smith et al. 2012 ) and in social casino games (Gainsbury et al. 2015 ). Gaming communities, on the other hand, exist inherently embedded inside the game, as is the case particularly in MMORPGs and their guild-based systems (Badrinarayanan et al. 2014 , 2015 ; Ben-Ur et al. 2015 ; Fang et al. 2009 ; Gui 2018 ; Hota and Derbaix 2016 ; Jin et al. 2017 ; Park et al. 2018 ; Pinto et al. 2015 ), but also external communities such as discussion forums exist for gamers (Ben-Ur et al. 2015 ; Y. B. Kim et al. 2015 , 2017 ). Strikingly, at least within this data, no gaming problem forums or communities were identified, as was the case with gambling.

Mutual for both gambling and gaming communities is the importance of their community-specific norm system; being accepted as a legitimate member of the community requires following and conforming to the community’s norms (Blackburn et al. 2014 ; Goodfellow 2015 ; Griffiths and Light 2008 ; Gui 2018 ; Mudry and Strong 2013 ; O’Leary and Carroll 2013 ). Both gambling and gaming communities are also important in gambling- and gaming-related identity constructions (Järvinen-Tassopoulos 2016 ; Mudry and Strong 2013 ; O’Leary and Carroll 2013 ; Pinto et al. 2015 ).

According to the studies reviewed, utilizing in-game interaction and socializing with other players during the game have different functions and outcomes in online gambling and gaming. In gaming studies, there is strong evidence that identifying with in-game communities has a great potential to influence gaming behavior and in-game purchase intentions (Badrinarayanan et al. 2014 , 2015 ; Canossa et al. 2019 ; Ghazali et al. 2019 ; Gong et al. 2019 ; Hota and Derbaix 2016 ; Hsieh and Tseng 2018 ; Huang et al. 2018 ; King et al. 2020 ; Park et al. 2018 ; Shukla and Drennan 2018 ; Sierra et al. 2016 ; Zhang et al. 2018 ). In gambling studies, on the contrary, there is evidence that socializing with other players during a game, particularly in online poker, might be a protective factor, as this kind of social playing was associated with less severe and non-problematic forms of gambling (Khazaal et al. 2017 ; Smith et al. 2012 ). In general, it seems that social motives are more inherently embedded in video gaming compared to online gambling. For example, when interviewing players of social casino games (i.e., gambling-like online games), few of the interviewees mentioned playing for social motives, despite the interactional opportunities of the game (Gainsbury et al. 2015 ); while in video gaming, social interaction with other players is considered an important motive for playing (Fang et al. 2009 ; Hickerson and Mowen 2012 ).

Studies also indicate differences concerning a community’s potential protective role and feedback in terms of excessive gambling or gaming habits. In gambling studies, there was evidence that feedback from an online gambling community could influence gambling behavior to a more moderate direction and protect from overvaluing one’s poker skills (Parke and Griffiths 2011 ; Schüll 2016 ). There was also some evidence that actively contributing in an online gambling community could decrease gambling-related consumption (Kaptein et al. 2015 ; Lindholm et al. 2012 ). On the contrary, there were no studies or results indicating a gaming community’s protective role or critical feedback concerning excessive gaming or in-game purchase behaviors. Instead, studies consistently showed the motivating effect of a gaming community in terms of gaming continuation and purchase intentions.

There was also some evidence concerning gender differences in the use of virtual gambling and gaming communities. In online poker, females did not prefer using in-game interaction tools, while men did (Khazaal et al. 2017 ). Instead, women with a gambling problem found discussion forums important in coping with their gambling-related problems (Järvinen-Tassopoulos 2016 ; Wood and Wood 2009 ). In gaming studies, Lin et al. ( 2008 ) found that women were more likely than men to commit to a game if it provided tools to create and maintain social relationships. However, since the proportion of female participants in the reviewed studies was significantly smaller compared to males, evidence of potential gender differences remains weak.

The aim of this review was to summarize research on online gambling and gaming communities and their role in gambling and monetary gaming behaviors. In total, 55 articles filled the criteria; 60% of them were quantitative, and the rest were either qualitative or mixed method. Out of the articles, 33 were on gaming, 19 on gambling, and only three studies investigated both gambling and gaming. Despite a relatively limited number of studies on this area, the results show that identification with virtual communities has an influential role in gambling and monetary gaming behaviors, but there were also some notable differences in community types and possible outcomes of the community use between gambling and gaming communities.

In line with research on online identity formation (Kaakinen et al. 2020 ; McNamara and Parsons 2016 ), results show that virtual communities are important spaces for gamblers and gamers to construct and extend their identities concerning gambling and gaming with like-minded others. In MMORPGs, virtual game communities are grounded on collaboration, teamwork, and mutual goals, and the communities can become an extended part of the identity. In gambling, poker communities are important spaces for poker players to enhance their poker player identities via social reinforcement and community feedback. For problem gamblers, there are virtual communities to share their experiences with other problem gamblers and receive socio-emotional peer support for dealing with problems. Various studies of this review also pointed out the role of social influence in both gambling and gaming communities, for example, in terms of purchase intentions and trying out new gambling activities. Normalizing and promoting gambling and gambling-like activities in social media can make gambling attractive and encourage excessive gambling habits via social influence and perceived norms (e.g., Cialdini and Goldstein 2004 ).

One notable difference of gambling and gaming communities concerned the communities’ roles in game-related money use and purchase intentions. Whereas studies suggested that feedback from gambling communities can also protect from developing excessive gambling habits, gaming communities seem to solely motivate gaming behaviors and purchase intentions. A possible explanation for the differences is the fundamentally different nature of gambling compared to gaming. Succeeding in gambling, in terms of winning money, is highly individual by nature. Thus, members of a gambling community may be more prone to notice and criticize potentially problematic gambling behavior, as no one else of the community shares the benefits of the gambling success or money invested in gambling other than the gambler. In video gaming, in contrast, success in game and money invested for it could also benefit the community teammates, particularly in MMORPGs where gaming is typically formed around guilds. In other words, if committed to teamwork play, purchasing virtual items are for the community’s good and not solely for the individual’s. Thus, even excessive gaming and money use within the game can be important in terms of a team’s performance and success in the game. This makes it unlikely that members of the community would try to restrain their team players’ gaming activity because it would mean poorer game performance for the team.

Differences also existed concerning the role of in-game interaction. Although both digital games and online gambling games include in-game interaction tools, the role of in-game socialization in gambling and gaming proved to be inherently different. Indeed, it can be suggested based on the results that in online gambling lonely gamblers who do not socialize with other gamblers are more prone to use more money and to develop more severe gambling problems; in other words, social playing was associated with non-problematic forms of gambling. In video gaming, on the other hand, playing in isolation may result in less purchase intention within a game, since identifying with a game community was consistently and positively associated with in-game purchase intentions. Thus, the roles of social interaction and social influence should be taken into consideration when screening for potentially problematic forms of gaming behavior.

It is also noteworthy that while in gambling studies, there were forums for those seeking help for and sharing experiences of gambling problems, there were no studies on communities of problematic gaming in our data. A plausible explanation for the lack or scarcity of these communities is that there is a general lack of consensus on the phenomenon and definition of problematic gaming and whether it can be qualified as an addiction (Griffiths et al. 2015 ). Recently, “gaming disorder” has been included in the latest International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11), and in the fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-V), it is recognized as a condition that requires more research before including it into mental disorders. The proposal of gaming disorder as a diagnosis has aroused a great deal of criticism among scholars due to, for example, low quality of the research base and problems in operationalization (Aarseth et al. 2017 ). However, it may be that if gaming disorder becomes established in general discourses and addiction treatments, gaming problem forums and online self-help groups will become more common.

From a theoretical perspective of virtual communities, the results of this systematic review show that virtual communities in gambling and gaming are grounded on mutual goals, shared interests, and norms. These aspects have been previously noted in studies on online communities (Boellstorff 2015 ; Preece 2000 ; Oksanen et al. 2014 ), and these communities play an important yet different role for gamblers and gamers. Despite some notable differences between gambling and gaming communities, it is clear that both types of communities provide their users virtual spaces to fulfill a fundamental need to belong and form social ties (Baumeister and Leary 1995 ; Deci and Ryan’s 2000 ). Virtual social ties may be valuable for those who have deficient offline relationships, and socialization with online friends is also a significant part of the fun, particularly in video gaming, and may have positive outcomes for a player’s social capital. However, this systematic literature review emphasizes the risks involved. It particularly recognizes the impact communities have, through social mechanisms, on monetary behavior and other potentially harmful consequences. Based on the results, we highlight that more emphasis should be placed in examining online communities’ roles in problematic gambling and gaming habits, particularly in terms of excessive money consumption.

Limitations

This study is not without its limitations. First, it is possible that some relevant articles have been excluded in the search phase due to the search words used. Second, in terms of gaming phenomena, we limited our focus on studies examining gaming with explicitly mentioned monetary behavior. Although microtransactions and gambling-like mechanisms are common business models in the majority of digital games, we did not include studies where monetary behavior was not explicitly mentioned. Online gaming communities and social interactions within them may play various important roles for gamers in general, but this review only focused on a community’s role on monetary gaming behavior, such as virtual purchase intentions. Finally, in this review we studied virtual gambling and gaming communities as factors in gambling and monetary gaming behaviors. Thus, this review does not cover those forms of gambling- or gaming-related virtual interactions and communities whose relationship to actual gambling or gaming behavior remains unstudied.

Although online gambling and gaming are isolated activities in the sense that the player is often physically alone, related virtual communities are an essential part of both activities. Online gambling and gaming communities normalize gambling and gaming behaviors and influence purchase intentions; but at least in gambling, communities may also support moderate forms of gambling, provide socio-emotional support for recovery of addiction and help to cope with a gambling problem. Even though the line between gambling and gaming has become blurred due to increased use of gambling-like mechanisms in digital games, the results of this review indicate that social interactions in these two activities have different functions, and also motives for and outcomes of the interaction differ in terms of monetary behavior.

The role of virtual communities should be acknowledged in prevention and treatment of gambling and gaming problems. In particular, it would be crucial to understand social mechanisms, such as social influence and social learning, taking place in virtual gambling and gaming environments. Raising awareness of social underpinnings and influential mechanisms behind gambling and monetary gaming would be important for players, parents and health care professionals when aiming to reduce excessive behavior and money consumption. Limiting players’ in-game social interaction would be required to reduce excessive money spending, particularly in group- and guild-based gaming, where purchase intention often follows strong belonging or attachment to the community. In gambling, utilizing recovery-oriented virtual communities for problem gamblers would be useful given that such communities are proven to be useful in implementing beneficial aspects of peer-influence, support and anonymity. Finally, improving gamblers’ and gamers’ offline relationships and healthy activities would be crucial in risk-prevention. Meaningful offline relationships and social activities would decrease the need for spending lots of time gambling and gaming online, but also diminish the need for belonging to virtual communities and searching for social contacts online.

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Sirola, A., Savela, N., Savolainen, I. et al. The Role of Virtual Communities in Gambling and Gaming Behaviors: A Systematic Review. J Gambl Stud 37 , 165–187 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10899-020-09946-1

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Internet gaming addiction: current perspectives

Daria j kuss.

Psychology Research and Behavior Management, Birmingham City University, Birmingham, UK

In the 2000s, online games became popular, while studies of Internet gaming addiction emerged, outlining the negative consequences of excessive gaming, its prevalence, and associated risk factors. The establishment of specialized treatment centers in South-East Asia, the US, and Europe reflects the growing need for professional help. It is argued that only by understanding the appeal of Internet gaming, its context, and neurobiologic correlates can the phenomenon of Internet gaming addiction be understood comprehensively. The aim of this review is to provide an insight into current perspectives on Internet gaming addiction using a holistic approach, taking into consideration the mass appeal of online games, the context of Internet gaming addiction, and associated neuroimaging findings, as well as the current diagnostic framework adopted by the American Psychiatric Association. The cited research indicates that the individual’s context is a significant factor that marks the dividing line between excessive gaming and gaming addiction, and the game context can gain particular importance for players, depending on their life situation and gaming preferences. Moreover, the cultural context is significant because it embeds the gamer in a community with shared beliefs and practices, endowing their gaming with particular meaning. The cited neuroimaging studies indicate that Internet gaming addiction shares similarities with other addictions, including substance dependence, at the molecular, neurocircuitry, and behavioral levels. The findings provide support for the current perspective of understanding Internet gaming addiction from a disease framework. The benefits of an Internet gaming addiction diagnosis include reliability across research, destigmatization of individuals, development of efficacious treatments, and the creation of an incentive for public health care and insurance providers. The holistic approach adopted here not only highlights empirical research that evidences neurobiologic correlates of Internet gaming addiction and the establishment of a preliminary diagnosis, but also emphasizes the necessity of an indepth understanding of the meaning, context, and practices associated with gaming.

Introduction: the mass appeal of Internet gaming

Internet gaming is a booming market. In 2012, more than one billion individuals played computer games, which fuelled the 8% growth of the computer gaming industry in the same year. 1 A recent report by the market research company Niko Partners has estimated the People’s Republic of China’s online gaming market at $12 billion in 2013. 2 Massively Multiplayer Online games (MMOs) offer the possibility to play together with many other players and can be differentiated based on game content and player experience. A latent profile analysis of survey data from 4,374 Hungarian online gamers (91% male, mean age 21±6 years) indicated that the most prominent MMOs were role-playing games, first-person shooters, real-time strategy, and other games. 3 First-person MMO shooter games are based on skill because they require good reaction time and attention, and competition is a key aspect of these games. In real-time MMO strategy games, players organize teams, develop their skills, and play for status in the game. 4

Massively Multiplayer Online Role-Playing Games (MMORPGs), on the other hand, appear of particular interest to players because they offer a variety of incentives for play relative to other game genres. Of all online gamers, 46% play MMORPGs, 3 confirming their position as the most popular online games. MMORPGs are game universes inhabited by thousands of players at the same time (massively multiplayer) with no spatial or temporal boundaries because they are played online, and they allow players to adopt various virtual personas vis-à-vis their avatars (role playing). 5 Today’s most popular MMORPG is “World of Warcraft”, the latest game in Blizzard’s Warcraft series, situated in the fantasy world of Azeroth that is populated by members of the opposing factions of the Alliance and the Horde. 6 According to a recent report published by the Entertainment Software Association, 7 World of Warcraft’s extension “Cataclysm” was among the top five selling computer games in 2011. In 2013, eight million players immersed themselves in the world of Azeroth, 8 clearly demonstrating the game’s mass appeal. The game tailors to most age groups, both sexes, and various player interests and preferences, 6 making it an MMORPG success story par excellence.

Online games such as World of Warcraft satisfy various gaming motivations. The analysis by Yee 9 of 3,000 MMORPG players’ gaming motivations revealed that MMORPGs allow players to achieve game goals, be social, and immerse in the game. Each of these factors is composed of a number of subcomponents as particularized by the gamers. First, achievement includes advancing in the game, namely progressing via leveling up, acquiring status and power in the game, the game’s mechanics, including the possibilities for optimizing game play, and competition, including challenging and dominating others. 9 Reputation and admiration from the gaming community for gaming achievements are further key factors motivating players to keep playing. 6 The game mechanics or structural characteristics have been claimed to reinforce the potentially addictive qualities of games because they contribute to initiation, development, and maintenance of gaming. 10

Second, the social factor is composed of socializing, including chatting and making new friends in the game, forming new relationships, and working in a team. 9 Research 11 suggests that the social element in MMORPGs is particularly important for gamers because it is an integral component of the enjoyment of playing. Moreover, it denotes a complex interaction between real and virtual social networks, further blurring the boundaries between these networks, making MMORPGs inherently social spaces. 12

Third, immersion in the game is denoted by discovery, ie, exploring the game and “hidden” game content, role-playing via one’s avatar, customization of one’s online character (such as sex, race, profession, appearance), and escapism, ie, playing in order to avoid real life. 9 Escapism is an aspect of mood modification whereby individuals suffering from addictions induce a subjective shift in their mood by way of engaging in an addictive behavior, making the latter a coping strategy to deal with everyday problems. 13

The variety of gaming motivations satisfied by MMOR-PGs indicates that these types of games are particularly versatile because they can be tailored to individual players with different game preferences. Consequently, one could assume that there are many ways that might lead some individuals to get hooked on MMORPGs. In a sample of 696 MMORPG players (93% male, mean age 26±7.4 years), achievement, socializing, and escapism motivations were found to be predictive of addictive play, together with sex accounting for 19% of variance in the MMORPG addiction score. 14 Similarly, in a sample of 175 primarily Dutch MMORPG players (87% male, mean age 21±6.5 years), escapism and game mechanics predicted excessive gaming over and above the contribution of the time spent gaming, together explaining 46% of the variance in problematic gaming. 5 In a nutshell, the mass appeal of MMORPGs rests on their versatility because they are tailored to gamers young and old, male and female, who have different game preferences. MMORPGs are particularly good at meeting various players’ different needs. This mass appeal may have contributed to findings from research which indicate that online games, and specifically MMORPGs, are more addictive than any other types of both offline and online games 15 because they reward players on partial reinforcement schedules, leading to maintenance of play. 16

Internet gaming addiction

In recent years, research about Internet gaming addiction has increased both in quantity as well as in quality. Research on gaming addiction dates back to 1983, when the first report emerged suggesting that video gaming addiction is a problem for students. 17 Shortly thereafter, the first empirical study on gaming addiction was published by Shotton, 18 based on self-reports of young male players who claimed they were “hooked” on their games. The early studies suffered from a lack of standardized psychometric instruments used for assessing gaming addiction. 19 However, research 20 indicates that self-reports correlate with standardized measures. Following on from that, further studies were carried out in the 1990s, initially assessing gaming addiction based on the criteria for pathologic gambling as stipulated in the third and fourth editions of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual for Mental Disorders (DSM). 21 Although similar, pathological gambling and excessive gaming do not present with the same clinical picture, and some have argued that using the diagnostic criteria for pathological gambling in order to diagnose pathological gaming only taps into obsessive use and preoccupation rather than actual psychopathology. 22 In the 2000s, online games became popular, while studies of Internet gaming addiction emerged. 23 , 24

The studies on Internet gaming addiction in the new millennium reported prevalence estimates which vary significantly and range from 0.2% in Germany 25 , 26 to 50% of Korean teenagers. 27 This discrepancy in estimates is due to various conceptualizations, diverse measurement instruments, as well as the different cutoff points used. Further, dissimilar constructs (“Internet gaming addiction”, “dependence”, “problematic”, and “excessive play”) are measured in various samples (children, adolescents, gamers) and cultures. In most studies, self-reports have been used, which puts the reliability and validity of the potential diagnosis in question. 28 However, research 20 indicates that self-diagnosis correlates with standardized measures of addiction, suggesting that the individual’s perception of problems can be relatively accurate.

In South-East Asian countries, the negative impacts of Internet gaming addiction have led governments and health care providers to take the problem seriously and to develop a series of initiatives to curb and alleviate the problem. In South Korea, Internet gaming addiction is viewed as a significant concern for public health, 29 and up to 24% of children who have been diagnosed with Internet addiction are hospitalized. 30 In Japan, the government has recognized the problem following a study by the Ministry of Education, which has led to the development of “fasting camps” where individuals suffering from Internet and gaming addiction are helped by being cut off from technology completely. 31 It has been stated that the higher the Internet penetration and social acceptance of gaming, the higher the prevalence of gaming problems, 32 partially explaining the higher prevalence rates reported in South-East Asian countries. In addition to this, there is good reason to think that the lower acceptance of excessive gaming in a culture, the more distress (not less) gamers experience in engaging in the activity, potentially fuelling problem perception. Therefore, a lack of acceptance of excessive gaming and thus stigmatization of the behavior might contribute to higher rates of addiction and problematic play in some way. Following growing concern, specialized treatment centers and programs have been established in Europe (including the outpatient clinic for behavioral addictions in Mainz, Germany, and the Capio Nightingale Hospital in London, UK) and the US (including the inpatient centers RESTART Internet Addiction Recovery Program in Seattle and the recently opened digital detoxification and recovery center in Pennsylvania), reflecting the growing need for professional help.

The concerns appear to be grounded as a growing number of studies indicate that Internet gaming addiction is associated with various negative consequences. 15 The psychological consequences include the following: sacrificing real-life relationships, other pastime activities, sleep, work, education, socializing, and relationships, 33 – 40 obsession with gaming and a lack of real-life relationships, 41 lack of attention, 33 , 42 aggression and hostility, 42 , 43 stress, 33 dysfunctional coping, 33 , 44 , 45 worse academic achievement, 38 , 46 problems with verbal memory, 47 and low well-being and high loneliness. 48 Moreover, psychosomatic consequences have been found in a number of studies. These included problems with sleeping, 41 , 47 seizures, 49 and psychosomatic challenges. 33 This long list indicates that Internet gaming problems must be taken seriously as they can affect the individual negatively in a variety of ways.

Internet gaming addiction is a behavioral problem that has been classified and explained in numerous ways. According to Griffiths, 13 biopsychosocial processes lead to the development of addictions, such as Internet gaming addiction, which include the following components. First, the behavior is salient (the individual is preoccupied with gaming). Second, the individual uses the behavior in order to modify their mood (ie, gaming is used to escape reality or create the feeling of euphoria). Third, tolerance develops (the individual needs increasingly more time to feel the same effect). Fourth, withdrawal symptoms occur upon discontinuation of the behavior (the individual feels anxious, depressed, and irritable if they are prevented from playing). Fifth, interpersonal and intra-personal conflict develops as a consequence of the behavior (the individual has problems with their relationship, job, and hobbies, and lack of success in abstinence). Finally, upon discontinuation of the behavior, the individual experiences relapse (they reinitiate gaming). 13

Although the core criteria appear to be established, the etiology of Internet gaming addiction has yet to be studied in detail. Research 15 indicates that a number of risk factors are associated with Internet gaming addiction. These risk factors include certain personality traits, gaming motivations, and structural game characteristics. The personality traits most commonly associated with Internet addiction include neuroticism, 37 , 50 aggression and hostility, 43 , 50 – 52 and sensation-seeking. 43 , 50 Factors that appear to protect frequent online gamers from developing problems with their gaming were found to be conscientiousness and extraversion, 53 suggesting that for different individuals the same behavior can have different psychological repercussions.

In addition to this, the following gaming motivations were found to be most commonly associated with gaming addiction: coping with daily stressors and escapism, 5 , 16 , 44 , 54 – 57 online relationships, 16 , 51 , 57 – 59 and mastery, control, recognition, completion, excitement, and challenge. 34 , 56 , 60 This indicates that the reasons for game play may be an important indicator of potential risk for Internet gaming addiction. Specifically, in comparison with non-MMORPG players, MMORPG players preferred their online friends over their real-life friends. 16 Similarly, significantly more dependent gamers were found to prefer spending time with their online friends than their offline friends relative to nondependent gamers and felt their social needs were met better online than offline. 44 Moreover, while online games provide nonaddicted players with satisfaction, addicted players play to avoid dissatisfaction, 55 which can be an indication of withdrawal symptoms they want to overcome by engaging in gaming compulsively. The motivational differences to play games between dependent and nondependent as well as MMORPG and other gamers appear to be useful clinical information because these motivations can be specifically targeted in treatment sessions. For instance, elements of exposure therapy may be used for the socially fearful in order to decrease discomfort and reintroduce clients to real-life social environments. Also, alternative pastime activities that are perceived as satisfying can be encouraged specifically in group therapy sessions. Encouraging engagement in group sports might satisfy both the need to engage in competitive and satisfying activities and the need to interact with peers in real life.

Moreover, a number of structural game characteristics have been found to increase the risk for developing Internet gaming addiction, namely online relative to offline gaming, 61 positive reinforcement, 62 the enjoyment of particular game features, such as adult content, finding rare in-game items, and watching game cut scenes, 63 and viewing one’s virtual persona as better than oneself. 64 These characteristics indicate that particular games can be more addictive than others, 15 which appears important for game developers and public prevention campaigns that focus on decreasing risk and raising awareness of potential problems. Prevention campaigns could target school-aged children, teachers, and parents in education settings. They could be based on the principles of providing information and a discussion platform concerning Internet and gaming use and possible negative consequences via psychoeducation, with the ultimate goal of encouraging healthy media use. Success could be determined over the long term using triangulation of data and reports obtained from the targeted populations.

Most reviews to date have primarily focused on specific aspects of Internet gaming addiction, including methods used to assess gaming addiction, 65 , 66 structural characteristics, 60 and treatment. 67 – 69 In light of this, the aim of this review is to provide an insight into current perspectives on Internet gaming addiction using a holistic approach, taking into consideration the mass appeal of online gaming, the context of Internet gaming addiction, and associated neuroimaging findings, as well as the current diagnostic framework adopted by the American Psychiatric Association. 70 It is argued that only by understanding the appeal of Internet gaming, its context, and neurobiologic correlates can the phenomenon of Internet gaming addiction be understood comprehensively. An evaluation of the findings will be presented in the overall discussion.

Gaming addiction: context

Research on gaming addiction has paid little attention to the context of online gaming. However, a few studies have now shed some light on the embedding of Internet gaming addiction in the context of the individual, 71 the game and gaming environment, 6 , 72 and the broader framework of culture. 73 Each of these will be addressed in turn.

Griffiths 71 provided case study evidence of two young men who spent an average of 14 hours a day playing MMORPGs in order to emphasize that the context of the individual’s life is an important factor demarcating gaming excess from gaming addiction. Aged 21 years, unemployed and single, “Dave” reported that gaming had a positive influence on his life because his social life revolved almost exclusively around the game, and playing boosted his self-esteem and gave structure to his everyday life. Dave did not perceive that his excessive gaming impacted upon his life negatively at all. For Dave, his extensive gaming did not lead to significant distress or have a negative impact in his daily life, and therefore his behavior cannot be classified as a condition that would fulfill the requirements of a mental disorder classification as outlined in the DSM-5. 74 Upon starting a new job and entering into a relationship with a woman he met in-game, his excessive gaming decreased significantly.

The second case reported was that of “Jeremy”, a 38-year old financial accountant who was married with two children and experienced detrimental consequences due to his “severe gaming addiction”, namely a relationship breakdown, lack of time for family activities, and loss of his job. Moreover, his playing time, craving for the game, and feelings of low mood and anxiety had increased dramatically. He used gaming to escape from his real-life problems and tried to quit on several occasions, but was unsuccessful in staying abstinent. This led to a number of relapse episodes. 71 The examples of Dave and Jeremy make a compelling case for how the same behavior (namely regular online gaming for excessive periods of time) can have almost diametrically opposed consequences due to different individual contexts, with one experiencing gaming as pleasurable and ultimately beneficial, whereas the other’s entire life was negatively affected by his excessive gaming.

In addition to the individual context, the context of the game appears important in determining the extent to which excessive gaming can truly be an addiction. 6 , 72 Karlsen 72 conducted 12 interviews with online gamers (75% male, mean age 23±2.4 years) who play World of Warcraft and used virtual ethnography 75 in order to assess the consequences of their excessive gaming. The results indicated that some of the players experienced behavioral addiction symptoms as specified by Griffiths, 13 namely salience, mood modification, tolerance, withdrawal, conflict, and relapse, with the latter two demarcating excessive from potentially addictive play. However, rather than advocating current diagnostic frameworks for “pathologizing” gaming, Karlsen 72 advocates to view gaming excess from the vantage point of game structure and gaming context, including the social practice and cultural meaning of games as well as the individual’s connection to the game from the perspective of game and media studies. This understanding entails a move away from the overly simplistic approach of focusing on the psychological rewards that reinforce gaming to include an indepth exploration of gaming motivations, gaming structure and mechanics, as well as the meaning of gaming for the individual. 72

Kuss 6 analyzed online gaming and potential gaming excess by interviewing eleven World of Warcraft players (72% male, mean age 27±7.3 years) and used virtual ethnography 75 as well as ludology principles 76 to understand how playing this particular game mirrors participation in popular media culture. In this context, media culture is understood as a flexible and evolving area of engagement that requires active participation. Potential gaming addiction was found to be associated with escapist motivations and in this context gaming was understood as fulfilling a “narcotic” function. The game context gained particular significance in one participant’s life because of two features of the game. First, he was able to enact heroic tales through his avatar and faction membership. As a member of the Horde, he fought the opposing faction, the Alliance, and was involved in killing their king, an episode “he would not forget until the end of his life”. Second, he was enabled to return to a familiar cultural context by means of his guild which consisted of fellow countrymen, after he had physically migrated to a foreign country. In this way, the provisions of the game (namely participation in the game’s narrative, 77 community, and belonging) 78 were utilized to a problematic extent, leaving the participant feeling “addicted to wow [World of Warcraft]”. Eventually, the analysis revealed that the meaning that is attached to the game can lead to excessive play which may cause a retreat from real life. 6

Snodgrass et al 73 surveyed 252 respondents (78% male, mean age 27±9.0 years) using Yee’s 9 motivational factors achievement, social and immersion to assess problematic MMORPG play in World of Warcraft from the perspective of culture under the supposition that gaming allows for formation of communities and cultures. 12 , 79 , 80 The cultural context situates the individual and his potentially addictive game play (assessed using Young’s Internet Addiction Test) 81 within the framework of commonly shared beliefs and practices. 82 Snodgrass et al 73 used an anthropological approach focusing on meaning, practice, and experience, mirrored in their understanding of gaming motivations and problematic play. They found that achievement motivation may lead to problematic play if players are less successful in real life (ie, less “culturally consonant”) and use game success to compensate, 73 causing stress and negative health outcomes. 83 In terms of social motivation, the extent to which online relationships gain significance over offline relationships was analyzed 73 because research indicates that lack of cultural consonance regarding social networks impacts negatively upon health. 84 Regarding immersion, the amalgamation of online and offline life and identities was assessed, 73 because association of the self with the game and the avatar could lead to dissociation. 85 , 86 The results indicated that game play in World of Warcraft mirrors cultural models of success regarding objectives and responsibilities, indicating that the game world can in some ways substitute the real world. Moreover, the culturally sensitive motivations achievement, social and immersion significantly predicted problematic MMORPG play if they were incongruent with real life, that is, if the game was used to compensate for lack of success and relationships in real life, and to dissociate from real life. 73

Taken together, the individual, game, and cultural contexts appear to have a significant impact upon the extent to which problems occur as a consequence of excessive gaming in terms of how Internet gaming addiction is conceptualized. In this way, the cultural context can be seen as a lens through which individuals and others around them perceive and give meanings to behaviors and their consequences. It is critical to understand gaming problems not only by means of the observable symptoms, but to situate them within the broader context of the game, the individual, and culture.

Gaming addiction: neuroscience

In the last decade, psychiatry has increasingly made use of neuroscientific evidence to understand and conceptualize mental disorders. 87 The major funding body for mental health research, the National Institute of Mental Health, has recently introduced research domain criteria to reclassify mental disorders as based on neuroscience and shared underlying pathophysiology rather than the more subjective approach of phenomenology and clinical presentation that has been utilized previously. 88 The ultimate aim is to improve the reliability and validity of clinical diagnosis and accordingly to deliver optimal treatment. 89 In accordance with this approach, research on Internet gaming addiction is now increasingly making use of neuroimaging techniques to allow for analysis of neurobiological changes due to excessive gaming and neurochemical correlates of addiction. 90

Some studies have shown that changes in brain activity and structure related to addiction are relevant for brain regions involved in reward, motivation, and memory, as well as cognitive control. 91 It has been hypothesized that initially the prefrontal cortex and ventral striatum are involved in the decision to initiate the addictive behavior. Over time, the individual habituates to the behavior and develops a compulsion to engage in it, which is accompanied by alterations of activity in the dorsal striatum as it becomes activated through dopaminergic innervation. There is some evidence for the idea that dopamine is released. 92 The longer the engagement continues, the more permanent the changes in the dopaminergic pathways become. It has been suggested that activity in the anterior cingulate, orbitofrontal cortex, and nucleus accumbens is modified in such a way that natural rewards are experienced as less pleasurable, further reducing control over the behavior. 93 , 94 Research suggests that over time, synaptic activity is reduced, leading to long-term depression and neuroadaptation, 95 as well as behavioral sensitization. The synapses in the ventral tegmental area become stronger, glutamate in the nucleus accumbens is reduced, and activity in the amygdala and hippocampus (related to memory) is increased, which can in turn result in craving 91 , 96 and increased response to the availability and particular context of the addictive behavior. 93 , 97 Some studies have shown that the addictive behavior becomes associated with these cues through activity in the nucleus accumbens, which reinforces the effects of the behavior. 98 With time, tolerance to the addictive behavior develops and natural rewards are depreciated, resulting in a reward system deficiency and activation of the antireward system. 99 The consequent lack of dopamine in mesocortical brain regions can lead to withdrawal symptoms, and in order to overcome these, renewed engagement in the addictive behavior ensues, and may ultimately impact upon the functions of the orbitofrontal cortex and cingulate gyrus. 91 , 100 , 101

Over the last decade, a number of neuroimaging techniques have been applied to Internet gaming research, allowing for an analysis of addiction correlates regarding both brain function as well as brain structure. Electroencephalograms measure brain activity via changes in voltage in the cerebral cortex via electrodes, 102 and were used in six studies of Internet and gaming addiction. 103 – 108 Positron emission tomography measures neuronal metabolism through photons from positron emissions via positively charged electrons. 109 Two studies 110 , 111 made use of positron emission tomography to measure Internet and gaming addiction. Like positron emission tomography, single photon emission computed tomography measures metabolic activity in the brain at the level of individual photons, 112 and was applied in one study of Internet addiction. 113 Eight studies 114 – 121 used functional magnetic resonance imaging to measure changes in blood oxygen levels in order to indicate brain activity in individuals with Internet and gaming addiction. 122 Finally, structural magnetic resonance imaging uses methods such as voxel-based morphometry 123 and diffusion-tensor imaging 124 to image brain morphometry, 125 and was used in two studies 126 , 127 in order to assess Internet addiction.

A systematic review of all Internet and gaming addiction studies using neuroimaging methods until 2012 90 revealed that Internet gaming addiction appears similar to other addictions, including substance-related addictions, at the molecular, neurocircuitry, and behavioral levels. From a molecular perspective, gaming results in the release of striatal dopamine. 111 On the other hand, it has been suggested that, in small samples, Internet and gaming addiction is associated with a reward deficiency whereby dopaminergic transporters in the brain are reduced. 110 , 113 In order to reinstate a biochemical equilibrium, 99 individuals whose reward system is deficient seek substances and activities which result in the release of dopamine. Under normal circumstances, pleasure drives (including eating and reproduction) are natural rewards that are craved, whereas unnatural rewards include psychoactive substances and addictive behaviors. 128 Over time, the individual habituates to the hedonic feelings produced by Internet gaming and develops abstinence symptoms, tolerance, and withdrawal. 129 Internet gaming addiction is initiated and maintained. 90 The decreased dopaminergic transporters in Internet gaming addiction may explain its frequent co-occurrence with depression, 130 bipolar disorder, 131 and borderline personality disorder and dissociative symptoms. 132

With regards to neural circuitry, when gaming, brain areas associated with addictions are frequently utilized and therefore the activity in regions such as the orbitofrontal cortex and cingulate gyrus is high, which over time can lead to significant alterations in neuronal connectivity 114 , 116 , 118 , 119 and brain structure. 115 , 126 , 127 Internet gaming becomes increasingly salient and individuals lose control over their gaming. 90 The individual is immanently motivated to play online games as they have learned the behavior, eventuating in continuous engagement. 133

In terms of behavior, excessive Internet gaming can result in problems with impulse control, behavioral inhibition, executive functioning, attention, and general cognitive functioning. 103 , 104 , 107 , 115 , 126 , 127 However, there are plus sides as well, in that the frequent gamer develops and improves a number of other capabilities, namely the integration of perceptual information into the brain and hand-eye coordination. 118 , 120

Taken together, research on Internet gaming addiction has made use of various neuroimaging techniques in order to shed light upon the neurochemical and neuroanatomic correlates of addiction. Although in most studies the direction of the relationship has not been investigated (ie, it is unclear whether Internet gaming addiction causes changes in brain structure and activity or vice versa), the current evidence suggests a relationship between brain alterations and Internet gaming addiction. Neuroimaging studies of Internet gaming addiction contribute to the current understanding of addiction as based on a disease framework. 128 , 134 This indicates that, similar to cardiovascular diseases, lifestyle (ie, excessive gaming) can result in changes to underlying neurobiology. Moreover, the utilization of sophisticated imaging methods in Internet gaming addiction research is in line with research domain criteria, 88 which makes a significant contribution to our understanding of Internet gaming addiction as a chronic neurobiological disease requiring professional care and adequate treatment. 135

Gaming addiction: clinical diagnosis

Following nearly two decades of research, the American Psychiatric Association has now officially recognized Internet Gaming Disorder as a condition that requires consideration by clinicians and researchers. In June 2013, Internet gaming disorder appeared in the appendix of the updated version of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual for Mental Disorders (DSM-5) for the first time. 70 It stands alongside the only other behavioral addiction, ie, pathological gambling, situating it clearly within the diagnostic category of Substance-Related and Addictive Disorders. Internet gaming disorder has pulled ahead of other behaviors that can become addictive, such as exercise, 136 , 137 work, 138 and shopping. 139

Up until now, researchers have understood Internet addiction or Internet gaming addiction as similar to either impulse control disorders in general or pathological gambling specifically, 140 – 142 substance dependence, 33 , 38 or a combination of the two. 143 , 144 This has led to the development of multiple psychometric instruments, each measuring different aspects associated with Internet gaming problems and addiction. 144 – 153 The multiplicity of conceptualizations used for Internet gaming addiction have led to a diagnostic conundrum leading some researchers to question its existence, 29 and have called for commonly agreed upon criteria which increase reliability across studies and advocate adequate and efficacious treatment. 15

Under the new DSM-5 framework, Internet gaming disorder refers to the “persistent and recurrent use of the Internet to engage in games, often with other players, leading to clinically significant impairment or distress as indicated by five (or more) [criteria] in a 12-month period”. 70 The diagnostic criteria are a preoccupation with gaming, withdrawal symptoms, tolerance (ie, spending more time gaming), lack of control, loss of other interests, use despite negative consequences, deception, mood modification, and losing a relationship, job, and similarly important aspects of life. 70 From a public health perspective, an official diagnosis of Internet gaming addiction is necessary for a number of reasons. First, it will encourage individuals who suffer from associated symptoms to ask for professional help, decreasing morbidity rates, hospitalizations, and potential legal and medical problems. 30 Second, the diagnosis may decrease barriers to care and stigmata with regards to public perception of problematic Internet and gaming use. Third, the diagnosis will support research efforts. 134 Fourth, a diagnostic category will provide the necessary incentive for health care and insurance providers to develop, test, and finance adequate treatment. Ultimately, individuals who require professional care because of substantial distress, suffering, and individual impairment must be helped in an appropriate way. 74 Accordingly, an official diagnosis of Internet gaming addiction is critical for a number of reasons, further emphasizing the need to fully acknowledge and utilize it.

The aim of this review was to provide an insight into current perspectives on Internet gaming addiction using a holistic approach encompassing gaming appeal, context, neuroimaging research, and the diagnostic framework adopted for Internet gaming addiction. It has been shown that Internet gaming has gained increasing popularity since the new millennium, and has led to a substantial growth of the gaming industry and the player fan base. MMORPGs have further been highlighted as offering a wide variety of incentives for players to initiate and maintain playing because they satisfy a variety of needs and tailor to various gaming motives relative to alternative online game genres. Some of these motives, especially escapism, the game’s mechanics, achievement and socializing have been found to be indicative of gaming addiction, 5 suggesting that MMORPGs are more addictive than other offline and online games. 15

This review further shows that until now few studies have investigated the gaming context. Therefore, the context of the individual, the game and gaming environment, and the broader framework of culture are specifically addressed. It has been shown that the individual’s context is a significant factor that marks the dividing line between excessive gaming and gaming addiction. 71 Moreover, it has been emphasized that gaming cannot simply be medicalized if done in excess, but it must be understood from within the context of gaming and the meanings the individual attaches to it. 72 The game context can gain particular importance for players, depending on their life situation and gaming preferences, including the enactment of heroic tales as well as the re-embedding in a (virtual) cultural context that differs from the players’ real-life context. Ultimately, this may lead to a retreat from real life for some individuals. 6 In addition to this, the cultural context is significant because it embeds the gamer in a community with shared beliefs and practices, endowing their gaming with particular meaning. If gaming is used to compensate for lack of success and relationships in real life and to dissociate from real life, Internet gaming addiction can be the consequence. 73 In this context, the “disease” model of addiction can be viewed from the perspective of diseases other than those based on Mendelian genetic mutations or other simple biologically determined pathways. Cardiovascular diseases or adult onset diabetes appear as better models/prototypes for Internet gaming addiction, because these are medical conditions where lifestyles and experiences systematically reshape the body and thus “get under the skin”. That is, the cultural context can become the disease (here addiction) through repeated experiences. Alternatively, cultural norms related to how acceptable game-play is might structure the appeal of the game, which in turn promotes addictive play patterns, which would not be the case in places without such norms.

The cited neuroimaging studies of Internet gaming addiction and associated changes in brain structure and function furthermore correspond with the research domain criteria developed by the National Institute of Mental Health 88 because they emphasize a move away from phenomenology to focus on pathophysiology for clinical diagnosis. Internet gaming addiction was found to share similarities with other addictions, including substance dependence, at the molecular, neurocircuitry, and behavioral levels. These similarities include altered dopaminergic and neuronal activity and brain morphometry, as well as deficient impulse control, behavioral inhibition, and general cognitive functioning. However, there are no known biomarkers of Internet addiction at this point in time. Indeed, there are no known biomarkers of any mental disorder. Ever since Kraepelin, 154 and thus for a century, psychiatrists have been searching to understand mental disorders as underlying physiological diseases, providing an additional incentive to continue research on the neurobiological underpinnings of mental health problems, including Internet gaming addiction.

The findings provide support for the current perspective of understanding Internet gaming addiction from a disease framework. 128 , 134 The dependence classification adopted in previous classification systems 74 , 155 is stigmatizing to patients who require medication because dependence refers to a normal physiological response to the use of a substance (including medication) which, when discontinued, can lead to withdrawal symptoms. 74 The term addiction, on the other hand, denotes a chronic neurobiological disease, 135 which is less stigmatizing because it does not suggest that patients who require medication become “addicted” to their required psychopharmacological treatment. 156 Addiction, unlike dependence, leads to compulsively pursuing rewarding behaviors irrespective of associated biological, psychological, and social problems. 135 Ultimately, the current research base on Internet gaming addiction has led the American Psychiatric Association 70 to include Internet gaming disorder in the appendix of the DSM-5 as the second behavioral addiction alongside pathological gambling, suggesting that the problem is taken seriously. The benefits of such a diagnosis include comparability across research, destigmatization of individuals, development of efficacious treatment, and creation of an incentive for public health care and insurance providers. Once the behavioral problem has an official code, it is worthy of being taken seriously and treated adequately.

However, research concerning the natural course of Internet gaming addiction, the most appropriate interventions, and large-scale epidemiology is scarce, 157 suggesting that more work needs to be done to understand this behavioral problem more fully. King and Delfabbro 158 further question the blurring of the boundaries between Internet addiction and video gaming addiction, as this may “promote further confusion”. Instead, they advocate a conceptualization of Internet addiction which incorporates various subtypes of online behavior, and establishing a diagnostic category of “video gaming disorder” which applies to both online and offline gaming addiction. Ultimately, however, King and Delfabbro 158 concede that the research diagnosis has sparked discussion regarding the nature of behavioral addictions, which testifies to a move away from acknowledging substances only as potentially addictive, and to broaden our understanding of addiction in general.

Moreover, there appear to be problems with regards to the criteria for Internet gaming disorder adopted by the DSM-5 taskforce. Starcevic 29 points out that there exists a debate of whether tolerance is a valid criterion as researchers have validated scales on problematic video game use 159 and compulsive Internet use 160 that do not contain tolerance as a symptom, and some question whether tolerance is a factor involved in gaming. 44 This exemplifies the intricacy of measuring Internet gaming addiction, particularly in light of the reliability of studies as well as the equivalence of findings across studies. Based on these issues, Starcevic 29 recommends the following research approaches: understand when online gaming can be considered a mental disorder; study risk factors and comorbidities, and its position as primary or secondary condition; test a continuum of video gaming problems and video gaming disorder; and revisit its classification as “addiction” rather than an impulse control disorder. 161 Moreover, Pies 134 specifies further that only if the following criteria are satisfied, the condition would qualify to be understood as disease: identify a pattern of genetic transmission; understand its etiology, pathophysiology and/or pathological anatomy; and its course, prognosis, stability, and response to treatment. The current review indicates that research on Internet gaming addiction is on its way to fulfilling these requirements. In terms of understanding the context of Internet gaming addiction, more research is necessary.

Limitations, implications, and suggestions for future research

This review has shown that research on Internet gaming addiction has increased in quality and quantity, particularly over the last decade. Future research is required to overcome the limitations of current research, including closer scrutiny of gaming context (including the individual, game, and culture) and the direction of the relationship between Internet gaming addiction, as well as neuroanatomical and neurochemical changes. Specifically, the following research question requires further exploration: How do individual, game-related, and cultural factors contribute to the etiology, phenomenological experience, and treatment approaches of Internet gaming addiction? Furthermore, the causality of the relationship between neurobiological alterations and neurostructural abnormalities and Internet gaming addiction symptoms should be explored. The further exploration of these issues will enhance our understanding of this potential mental health concern. Moreover, a solid and unequivocal research base will enable the American Psychiatric Association and the World Health Organization to include Internet gaming addiction as an actual diagnosis in their diagnostic systems, which will in turn facilitate future research endeavors as well as clinical parlance.

The context appears crucial to the meaning of the game for the player, and is influenced by individual characteristics, the gaming culture, and the broader society that gamers are situated in. Ultimately, this will allow for developing treatment approaches which can be tailored to different individuals and meet idiosyncratic needs most effectively. The reviewed literature can inform procedures for improving the current treatment of Internet gaming addiction because it puts an emphasis on exploring the life and cultural context of the individual. In terms of neuroimaging studies, the reviewed empirical research has revealed associations between excessive online gaming and alterations in brain structure and function associated with substance addictions. However, understanding the direction of this relationship is crucial because it will provide invaluable insights into the etiology of Internet gaming addiction as well as its status as a primary or secondary disorder. In terms of treatment, establishing the treatment seeker’s most pressing present problem will allow an efficient and efficacious treatment plan to be developed and structuring of treatment sessions. Overall, this literature review suggests that targeting pathogenic neurobiological mechanisms and associated neurological and neurochemical alterations only does not suffice when the clinician’s goal is to alleviate the individual’s idiosyncratic problems. It indicates that Internet gaming addiction must be viewed from a holistic perspective, integrating the neurobiological, individual, game-related, and cultural factors contributing to pathogenesis and symptom experience.

The present review of current perspectives on Internet gaming addiction has shown that research has progressed significantly over the last decade, leading to a larger evidence base which includes important findings from neuroimaging research. Further, it indicates that contextual factors play an important part in our understanding of Internet gaming addiction as a holistic phenomenon. It is suggested that an official diagnosis of Internet gaming addiction must regard embedding of the problematic behavior within the context of the individual, the game, and gaming practices, as well as the broader sociocultural environment as the meaning of the gaming behavior derives from its context. The holistic approach adopted here not only highlights empirical research that confirms neurobiological correlates of Internet gaming addiction and establishment of a preliminary diagnosis, but also emphasizes the need for an indepth understanding of meaning, context, and practices associated with gaming. Ultimately, a holistic understanding will benefit individuals who seek professional help for problematic online gaming as treatment approaches become more targeted and consequently more efficacious.

The author reports no conflicts of interest in this work.

UNLV Gaming Research & Review Journal

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In the rapidly globalizing world of gaming, UNLV's Gaming Research and Review Journal provides a unique forum for peer-reviewed articles published by the world's leading academic experts. Since 1994, the GRRJ has published hundreds of pertinent research papers on casino operations, gaming laws and regulations, management, technology, community relations, responsible gaming, and other important topics.

If you are interested in publishing your manuscript in the UNLV Gaming Research & Review Journal , please click on the Policies link in the upper left menu for information on preparing your manuscript and more details on the GRRJ . Please note that we do not do translations or language edits. If you need a language review, please seek this assistance prior to article submission.

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Publication Abstracts

International Gaming Credit, Due Diligence and Enforcement: How Can the Risks be Mitigated? Martin S. Kenney

Internet Gambling Bibliography: Update and Analysis Rhys Stevens

New Jersey Licensing Issues: Applications and Investigations Thomas A. Jingoli

Riverboat Site Selection Lesley Johnson and John Bowen

The Audit Division of the State Gaming Control Board: Overview of Organization and Current Tax Issues Gregory Gale

Book Review #2: Indian Gaming and Tribal Sovereignty: The Casino Compromise Betty McNeal

A Winning Hand: A Proposal for an International Regulatory Schema with Respect to the Growing Online Gambling Dilemma in the United States John D. Andrle

Editor's Comments: Benefits of a Marketing Plan John Bowen

Book Review: Indian Casino William N. Thompson

The Legal Status of Gaming and Its Impact on Licensing Shannon Bybee

An Evolutionary View of the Critical Functions of Slot Machine Technology Leslie E. Cummings and Kathleen P. Brewer

An Overview of Disciplinary Proceedings Before the Nevada Gaming Commission Neil H. Friedman

Book Review #1: Casino Industry in Asia Pacific: Development, Operation and Impact Betty McNeal

The Need for Self Regulation and Alternative Dispute Resolution to Moderate Consumer Perceptions of Perceived Risk with Internet Gambling Rohan Miller

Slot or Table? A Chinese Perspective Desmond Lam

An Assessment of the Many Contributions of Native American Gaming: Connecticut Then and Now Ronald A. Nykiel

Book Review: Gaming Law: Cases & Materials Betty McNeal

Developing the Casino Marketing Plan Andrew M. Klebanow

Game Volatility At Baccarat Andrew MacDonald

A Chronology of (Legal) Gaming in the U.S. George G. Fenich

Analysis of Video Poker Edward Gordon

Mitigating Inadequate Security Claims Through Effective Security Measures Susan H. Ivancevich and Daniel M. Ivancevich

Indian Gaming: Issues and Prospects Seth R. Ferber and Kaye S. Chon

Nevada State Legislature Continues Gentle Evolution of Nevada Gaming Law in 1993 Robert D. Faiss and Steve Greathouse

An Analysis of Elderly Gamers' Trip Characteristics and Gambling Behavior: Comparing the Elderly with Their Younger Counterparts Omar Moufakkir

Designing Culturally Compatible Internet Gaming Sites Sudhir H. Kale

Change Management: Antecedents and Consequences in Casino CRM Sudhir H. Kale

Proposal for a Special Issue on Internet Gambling Betty McNeal and Rhys Stevens

Gaming: Introduction and Perspectives Thomas E. Merz

Impact of Light, Medium and Heavy Spenders on Casino Destinations: Segmenting Gaming Visitors Based on Amount of Non-gaming Expenditures Omar Moufakkir, A.J. Singh, Afke Moufakkir-van der Woud, and Donald F. Holecek

Trends of Japan's Giant Leisure Industry: Pachinko Ko Hirano and Kiyomi Takahashi

A Virtual Pandora's Box: What Cyberspace Gambling Prohibition Means to Terrestrial Casino Operators David G. Schwartz

Performance Gaps Between U.S. and European Casinos: A Comparative Study Zheng Gu

Improving Competitiveness Through Cooperation: Assessing The Benefits Of Cooperative Education Partnerships In Gaming Management Helen Breen and Nerilee Hing

Viewpoint Vincent H. Eade

Academic Research Interests Of Casino Resort Properties Collin Ramdeen, Susan Raymakers, and Robert H. Bosselman

Constraints to the Growth of Native American Gaming James A. Davis and Samuel M. Otterstrom

Providing More Effective and Efficient Casino RFPs John R. Mills and Jannet M. Vreeland

Regulation and Auditing of Indian Gaming Operations Dennis P. Gauger

Human Resource Issues in the Gaming Industry Vincent H. Eade

State Tax Planning Can Reduce Cost of Expanding Gaming Operations Outside Nevada Bryan J. Dziedziak and Lisa E. Moses

Applicability of the Duplication of Purchase Law to Gaming Desmond Lam

Internet Gambling: An Overview of Psychosocial Impacts Mark D. Griffiths, Adrian Parke, Richard Wood, and Jonathan Parke

Residents' Perceptions of Casino Development in Korea: The Kangwon Land Casino Case Ki-Joon Back and Choong-Ki Lee

The Responsible Gambling Code in Queensland, Australia: Implementation and Venue Assessment Helen Breen, Jeremy Buultzens, and Nerilee Hing

Las Vegas Locals as Gamblers and Hosts to Visiting Friends and Family: Characteristics and Gaming Behavior Rachel S. Shinnar, Cheri A. Young, and David L. Corsun

Challenges in Responsible Provision of Gambling: Questions of Efficacy, Effectiveness and Efficiency Nerilee Hing and Jo Mackellar

CRM In Gaming: It's No Crapshoot! Sudhir H. Kale

Perceptions of a Bible Belt State's Proposed Casino Gaming Legislation by Religious Affiliation: The Case of Kentucky Residents Desmond O. Brown, Mary G. Roseman, and Sunny Ham

Diversify Into European Markets to Enhance Revenue: A Strategy Proposed for the Las Vegas Strip and Atlantic City Zheng Gu

Casino Technology: Player Tracking and Slot Accounting Systems Z. Wang and H. Aquino

Players' Pool Slot Gaming: Fact And Fantasy Charles Carslaw and E.J. Egghart

Using Benchmarking Techniques In Academia: Building A Gaming Education Program Susan H. lvancevich, Daniel M. lvancevich, and Bernard N. Fried

The Gaming Industry And The Millennium Bug Michael L . Kasavana and Kathleen P. Brewer

Educating for the Gaming Industry: Need, Profile, and Suggested Schema Leslie E. Cummings

Down at the Track - What Policy, Marketing, & Technology Offer The Sport of Kings Leslie E. Cummings

Contemporary Tax Issues in the Gaming Industry Susan H. lvancevich and Bernard Fried

Prospects and Strategies of Gaming Ventures in China Zheng Gu

The Corporate Securities Division of the State Gaming Control Board: An Overview and Guide to the Regulatory Process Mark A. Clayton

Estimating the Indirect Gaming Contribution of Bingo Rooms Anthony F. Lucas, William T. Dunn, and Anna Kharitonova

Internet Casino-Style Gambling: Is It Legal in Nevada? Marc G. Warren

Assessing the Information Needs of Australian Gaming Managers Helen Breen

Gambling in a Fantasy World: An Exploratory Study of Rotisserie Baseball Games Bo Bernhard and Vince Eade

Chinese Casino Gambling Behaviors: Risk Taking in Casinos vs. Abstract Investments Bernadete Ozorio and Davis Ka-Chio Fong

Betting on Mass Media: An Exploratory Study Into the Role of Publicly Available Information in Wagering Behavior Rohan Miller

The Roles of Casino Controllers Collin Ramdeen and Bernard Fried

Principles, Processes And Practices In Responsible Provision Of Gambling: A Conceptual Discussion Nerilee Hing

Casino Gaming From a Border State Perspective: Impact on the Hospitality Industry Claire D. Schmelzer, Damon Revelas, and Desmond O. Brown

Items of Importance to Patrons of Indian and Riverboat Casinos Carl J. Pfaffenberg and C. Costello

The Hospitality Industry's lmpact On the State of Nevada: A Summary & Review Shannon Bybee and Jeremy A. Aguero

The Profile and Motivations of Elderly Women Gamblers John Tarras, A.J. Singh, and Omar Moufakkir

Two Consumption Models For United States Casino Areas Utilizing Competition And Site Attribute Variables David M. Pearlman

New Developments in Gaming Taxation and Regulation: an Update Susan H. lvancevich and Bernard N. Fried

Club Gaming in New South Wales, Australia: The Transition to Industry Maturity Nerilee Hing

New Jersey's Regulatory Legacy and Lesson Bradford S. Smith

The Effects of Native American Gaming on Other Tourist Businesses Carl A. Boger Jr.

The Economics of Gaming Regulation Anthony Cabot

Toward Strategy Implementation Success: An Empirical Study of the Role of Senior-Level Leaders in the Nevada Gaming Industry James I. Schaap

Clash in the Caribbean: Antigua and U. S. Dispute Internet Gambling and GATS Joseph M. Kelly

Gambling Participation and Prevalence Estimates of Pathological Gambling in a Far-East Gambling City: Macao Davis Ka-Chio Fong and Bernadete Ozorio

An Assessment of Crime Volume Following Casino Gaming Development in the City of Detroit Omar Moufakkir

Assessing Discount Policies and Practices in the Casino Industry Jordan Salmon, Anthony F. Lucas, Jim Kilby, and Michael C. Dalbor

Community Leader Perceptions of the Social and Economic Impacts of Indian Gaming Patricia L. Janes and Jim Collison

Residents' Perceptions And Attitudes Towards Native American Gaming (NAG) In Kansas: Demographics, Policies & Future Development Daniel L. Spears and Carl A. Boger Jr.

A Customer-based Assessment of Casino Atmospherics Karl J. Mayer and Lesley Johnson

Residents' Perceptions and Attitudes Towards Native American Gaming (NAG) in Kansas: Proximity and Number of Trips to NAG Activity Daniel L. Spears and Carl A. Boger Jr.

Hedonistic Differences Between Mechanical Game Players And Table Game Players: An Exploratory Investigation On The Road To A Comprehensive Theory For Gambling Karl Titz, David Andrus, and Judy Miller

A Proposed Typology Of Odyssey Slot Machine Gamblers Lorraine Cebollero, Karl Mayer, and Stanley Pinkos

Kentucky Parimutuel Revenue Policy Simulator J. Shannon Neibergs

A Global Market Analysis Of Casino Gaming On The Internet Lawrence Dandurand

An Examination of University Student Gambling Practices Michael Yuan, Susan Yuan, and Patricia Janes

The Case for Casino Gaming Christian Marfels

1995: The Year New Jersey Gaming Regulation Came of Age Frank Catania and Gary A. Ehrlich

Changes in Gaming and Gaming Participants in the United States Roy A. Cook and Laura J. Yale

Accounting Issues for Publicly Traded Gaming Companies Karl M. Brunner

Casino/Patron Disputes John Tatro

Website Review: Online Casino City Betty McNeal

Work Permit Hearings John Tatro

Book Review #2: Cutting the Wire: Gambling Prohibition and the Internet Betty McNeal

The Investigations Division of the State Gaming Control Board: An Introduction to the Investigative Process Randall E. Sayre

Financial Competitiveness of Macau in Comparison with Other Gaming Destinations Zheng Gu and Jason Zhicheng Gao

Gambling and the Law®: An Introduction to the Law of Internet Gambling I. Nelson Rose

Estimating the Short-term Effects of an Increase in Par on Reel Slot Performance Anthony F. Lucas and Karl D. Brandmeir

Profile of Internet Gamblers: Betting on the Future Christopher Woodruff and Susan R. Gregory

Casino Atmospherics from a Customer's Perspective: A Re-Examination Lesley Johnson, Karl J. Mayer, and Elena Champaner

Political Culture and Gambling Policy: A Cross-National Study William N. Thompson, Carl Lutrin, and Asher Friedberg

Glass Ceiling Or Saran Wrap™? Women In Gaming Management Wanda M. Costen, Christian E. Hardigree, and Michael A. Testagrossa

The Determinants and Effects of Slot Servicescape Satisfaction in a Las Vegas Hotel Casino Anthony F. Lucas

Using the Critical Incident Technique to Assess Gaming Customer Satisfaction Lesley Johnson

Wages in Las Vegas and Reno: How Much Difference Do Unions Make in the Hotel, Gaming, and Recreation Industry? C. Jeffrey Waddoups

An Exploration Of Customer Retention Factors In Las Vegas Casino Resort Properties Michael J. Petrillose and Kathleen P. Brewer

Social Costs Of Gambling: A Comparative Study Of Nutmeg And Cheese State Gamblers William N. Thompson, Ricardo Gazel, and Dan Rickman

Blackjack At Thirty Thousand Feet: America's Attempt To Enforce Its Ban On In-flight Gambling Extraterritorially Steven Grover

The Gaming Industry and the North American Industry Classification System Wesley S. Roehl

Problem Gambling: A Problem for the Gaming Industry and the Broader Community Shannon Bybee

Does the Johnson Act Inhibit Riverboat Gaming on the Great Lakes? Bradley L. Williams

Opinions on Riverboat Casinos and the Perceived Impacts on Community Quality by Quad Cities' Residents Tin Oo Thin and Cathy H.C. Hsu

1993: A Good Year For Gaming William A. Bible

Book Reviews Betty McNeil

This Audience is Weird: Reflections on What We Know Now in Gambling Research Bo J. Bernhard

Sport Tourists in a Gaming Destination: Predicting Gaming and Non-Gaming Expenditures Chris Brown, James A. Busser, and Seyhmus Baloglu

Analyzing the Relationship Between Systematic Risk and Financial Variables in the Casino Industry Toni Repetti and Jungsun Kim

Estimating the Impact of California Tribal Gaming on Demand for Casino Gaming in Nevada William R. Eadington, Richard H. Wells, and Derek Gossi

''Shots from the Pulpit:'' An Ethnographic Content Analysis of United States Anti-Gambling Social Movement Documents from 1816-2010 Bo J. Bernhard, Robert Futrell, and Andrew Harper

Evaluating the Impact of a New Resort Amenity on Gaming Business Volumes Anthony F. Lucas and Sarah Tanford

Tribute - Eugene M. Christiansen Eugene M. Christiansen

Tribute - Keith Whyte Keith Whyte

Tribute - Stewart N. Ethier Stewart N. Ethier

Tribute - Jeffrey L. Derevensky Jeffrey L. Derevensky

Tribute - Peter Collins Peter Collins

Tribute - Bo J. Bernhard Bo J. Bernhard

Tribute - Max Abbott Max Abbott

Influencing International Foundations for Legalization, Policy and Commercial Gambling: A Tribute to William Eadington’s International Conference on Gambling and Risk Taking Alex Blaszczynski

Reflections: Insights from studying gambling in its era of change: what the past 43 years have been about William R. Eadington

Tribute - Harold Wynne Harold Wynne

Tribute - Douglas M. Walker Douglas M. Walker

Tribute - Rachel A. Volberg Rachel A. Volberg

The Systematic Study of Gaming Operations Andrew MacDonald and William R. Eadington

Tribute - Baby Tyawa Baby Tyawa

Tribute - Katherine A. Spilde Katherine A. Spilde

Tribute - Garry Smith Garry Smith

Tribute - Ricardo C.S. Siu Ricardo C.S. Siu

Tribute - Carlos Siu Carlos Siu

Tribute - Howard J. Shaffer Howard J. Shaffer

Tribute - David G. Schwartz David G. Schwartz

Tribute - Richard Schuetz Richard Schuetz

Tribute - Richard Rosenthal Richard Rosenthal

Tribute - Pieter Remmers Pieter Remmers

William R. Eadington and the Economics of Gambling Kahlil S. Philander and Douglas M. Walker

Tribute - Pauliina Raento Pauliina Raento

Tribute - Reece Middleton Reece Middleton

Tribute - Jan McMillen Jan McMillen

Tribute - Jeffrey J. Marotta Jeffrey J. Marotta

Tribute - Day-Yang Liu Day-Yang Liu

Tribute - Henry R. Lesieur Henry R. Lesieur

Tribute - Sudhir H. Kale Sudhir H. Kale

Tribute - Connie Jones Connie Jones

Tribute - Dean Hestermann Dean Hestermann

Tribute - Don Feeney Don Feeney

A History of the International Conference on Gambling and Risk-Taking William R. Eadington and David G. Schwartz

Recent Research Trends in the Gaming Industry: A Content Analysis of Research Literature on Casino Profits Toni Repetti

Estimating the Indirect Effect of Sports Books on Other In-House Gaming Volumes Brett L.L. Abarbanel, Anthony F. Lucas, and Ashok K. Singh

Regulating Gaming in the New South Africa Baby Tyawa

“Don’t Blow a Bunch of Cash on Vegas:” An Event Study Analysis of President Obama’s Public Statements on Las Vegas Paul Gift and Michael J. Gift

The Boomerang Effect: Asia's casino industry growth can "fly back" to benefit Las Vegas Jonathan Galaviz

Frontline Employees’ Informal Learning and Customer Relationship Skills in Macao Casinos: An Empirical Study Carlos S. Lam

Cultural Indicators of Internet Sports Betting Policy Brett L. Abarbanel

The Effect of Online Gaming on Commercial Casino Revenue Kahlil S. Philander

The EVF Model: A Novel Framework for Understanding Gambling and, by Extension, Poker Arthur S. Reber

What Is Intellectual Capital? Mikael Ahlgren

Pennsylvania Casinos’ Cannibalization of Regional Gambling Revenues Simon Condliffe

Las Vegas and Houston: Global Command Centers in the Sun Belt Bo J. Bernhard and Mikael Ahlgren

Clustering High Dimensional Sparse Casino Player Tracking Datasets Ross Iaci and Ashok K. Singh

The World City of Gaming Robert E. Lang and Christina Nicholas

Sociologists! Michael S. Green

Is Las Vegas a "Real City"? David R. Dickens

The Probability Distribution of the Sum of Several Dice: Slot Applications Ashok K. Singh, Rohan J. Dalpatadu, and Anthony F. Lucas

The Market for Online Poker Ingo Fiedler and Ann-Christin Wilcke

Introduction to “Las Vegas As Command Center” Special Section Donald Snyder

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‘An epidemic of loneliness’: How the pandemic changed life for aging adults

Stock image of a sign at a park in 2020, calling for social distancing. Four years later, a new study shows many are still keeping to themselves more than they did pre-pandemic.  

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Years after the U.S. began to slowly emerge from mandatory COVID-19 lockdowns, more than half of older adults still spend more time at home and less time socializing in public spaces than they did pre-pandemic, according to new CU Boulder research. 

Participants cited fear of infection and “more uncomfortable and hostile” social dynamics as key reasons for their retreat from civic life.

“The pandemic is not over for a lot of folks,” said Jessica Finlay, an assistant professor of geography whose findings are revealed in a series of new papers . “Some people feel left behind.”

The study comes amid what the U.S. Surgeon General recently called an “ epidemic of loneliness ” in which older adults—especially those who are immune compromised or have disabilities—are particularly vulnerable.

“We found that the pandemic fundamentally altered neighborhoods, communities and everyday routines among aging Americans, and these changes have long-term consequences for their physical, mental, social and cognitive health,” said Finlay.

‘I just can’t go back’

As a health geographer and environmental gerontologist, Finlay studies how social and built environments impact health as we age.

In March 2020 as restaurants, gyms, grocery stores and other gathering places shuttered amid shelter-in-place orders, she immediately wondered what the lasting impacts would be. Shortly thereafter, she launched the COVID-19 Coping Study with University of Michigan epidemiologist Lindsay Kobayashi. They began their research with a baseline and monthly survey. Since then, nearly 7,000 people over age 55 from all 50 states have participated.

The researchers check in annually, asking open-ended questions about how neighborhoods and relationships have changed, how people spend their time, opinions and experiences of the COVID-19 pandemic, and their physical and mental health.

By the numbers

How aging adults spend their time

• 59% spend more time at home than before pandemic
• 41% go to the grocery less often
• 75% eat out less often 
• 57% exercise indoors less often
• 62% visit an arts or cultural site less often
• 53% attend religious services less often
• 10% exercise outdoors more often

Source: Data from COVID-19 Coping Study survey results from May 2022. A more recent survey found that more than half still had not returned to pre-pandemic social routines.

“We’ve been in the field for some incredibly pivotal moments,” said Finlay, noting that surveys went out shortly after George Floyd was murdered in May 2020 and again after the attack on the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.

Collectively, the results paint a troubling picture in which a substantial portion of the older population remains isolated even after others have moved on. 

In one paper published in February in the journal Wellbeing, Space and Society , 60% of respondents said they spend more time in their home while 75% said they dine out less. Some 62% said they visit cultural and arts venues less, and more than half said they attend church or the gym less than before the pandemic.

The most recent survey, taken in spring 2023, showed similar trends, with more than half of respondents still reporting that their socialization and entertainment routines were different than they were pre-pandemic. 

In another paper titled “ I just can’t go back ,” 80% of respondents reported there are some places they are reluctant to visit in person anymore.

“The thought of going inside a gym with lots of people breathing heavily and sweating is not something I can see myself ever doing again,” said one 72-year-old male.

Those who said they still go to public places like grocery stores reported that they ducked in and out quickly and skipped casual chitchat. 

“It’s been tough,” said one 68-year-old female. “You don’t stop and talk to people anymore.”

Many respondents reported they were afraid of getting infected with a virus or infecting young or immune-compromised loved ones, and said they felt “irresponsible” for being around a lot of people.

Some reported getting dirty looks or rude comments when wearing masks or asking others to keep their distance—interpersonal exchanges that reinforced their inclination to stay home.

Revitalizing human connection

Jessica Finlay, a health geographer and environmental gerontologist, studies how built environments impact aging.

The news is not all bad, stresses Finlay.

At least 10% of older adults report exercising outdoors more frequently since the pandemic. And a small but vocal minority said that their worlds had actually opened up, as more meetings, concerts and classes became available online.

Still, Finlay worries that the loss of spontaneous interactions in what sociologists call “third places” could have serious health consequences.

Previous research shows that a lack of social connection can increase risk of premature death as much as smoking 15 cigarettes a day and exacerbate mental illness and dementia.

“For some older adults who live alone, that brief, unplanned exchange with the butcher or the cashier may be the only friendly smile they see in the day, and they have lost that,” Finlay said.

Societal health is also at risk.

“It is increasingly rare for Americans with differing sociopolitical perspectives to collectively hang out and respectfully converse,” she writes. 

Finlay hopes that her work can encourage policymakers to create spaces more amenable to people of all ages who are now more cautious about getting sick—things like outdoor dining spaces, ventilated concert halls or masked or hybrid events.

She also hopes that people will give those still wearing masks or keeping distance some grace.

“It is a privilege to be able to ‘just get over’ the pandemic and many people, for a multitude of reasons, just don’t have that privilege. The world looks different to them now,” she said. “How can we make it easier for them to re-engage?”

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Partisan divides over K-12 education in 8 charts

K-12 education is shaping up to be a key issue in the 2024 election cycle. Several prominent Republican leaders, including GOP presidential candidates, have sought to limit discussion of gender identity and race in schools , while the Biden administration has called for expanded protections for transgender students . The coronavirus pandemic also brought out partisan divides on many issues related to K-12 schools .

Today, the public is sharply divided along partisan lines on topics ranging from what should be taught in schools to how much influence parents should have over the curriculum. Here are eight charts that highlight partisan differences over K-12 education, based on recent surveys by Pew Research Center and external data.

Pew Research Center conducted this analysis to provide a snapshot of partisan divides in K-12 education in the run-up to the 2024 election. The analysis is based on data from various Center surveys and analyses conducted from 2021 to 2023, as well as survey data from Education Next, a research journal about education policy. Links to the methodology and questions for each survey or analysis can be found in the text of this analysis.

Most Democrats say K-12 schools are having a positive effect on the country , but a majority of Republicans say schools are having a negative effect, according to a Pew Research Center survey from October 2022. About seven-in-ten Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents (72%) said K-12 public schools were having a positive effect on the way things were going in the United States. About six-in-ten Republicans and GOP leaners (61%) said K-12 schools were having a negative effect.

About six-in-ten Democrats (62%) have a favorable opinion of the U.S. Department of Education , while a similar share of Republicans (65%) see it negatively, according to a March 2023 survey by the Center. Democrats and Republicans were more divided over the Department of Education than most of the other 15 federal departments and agencies the Center asked about.

In May 2023, after the survey was conducted, Republican lawmakers scrutinized the Department of Education’s priorities during a House Committee on Education and the Workforce hearing. The lawmakers pressed U.S. Secretary of Education Miguel Cardona on topics including transgender students’ participation in sports and how race-related concepts are taught in schools, while Democratic lawmakers focused on school shootings.

Partisan opinions of K-12 principals have become more divided. In a December 2021 Center survey, about three-quarters of Democrats (76%) expressed a great deal or fair amount of confidence in K-12 principals to act in the best interests of the public. A much smaller share of Republicans (52%) said the same. And nearly half of Republicans (47%) had not too much or no confidence at all in principals, compared with about a quarter of Democrats (24%).

This divide grew between April 2020 and December 2021. While confidence in K-12 principals declined significantly among people in both parties during that span, it fell by 27 percentage points among Republicans, compared with an 11-point decline among Democrats.

Democrats are much more likely than Republicans to say teachers’ unions are having a positive effect on schools. In a May 2022 survey by Education Next , 60% of Democrats said this, compared with 22% of Republicans. Meanwhile, 53% of Republicans and 17% of Democrats said that teachers’ unions were having a negative effect on schools. (In this survey, too, Democrats and Republicans include independents who lean toward each party.)

The 38-point difference between Democrats and Republicans on this question was the widest since Education Next first asked it in 2013. However, the gap has exceeded 30 points in four of the last five years for which data is available.

Republican and Democratic parents differ over how much influence they think governments, school boards and others should have on what K-12 schools teach. About half of Republican parents of K-12 students (52%) said in a fall 2022 Center survey that the federal government has too much influence on what their local public schools are teaching, compared with two-in-ten Democratic parents. Republican K-12 parents were also significantly more likely than their Democratic counterparts to say their state government (41% vs. 28%) and their local school board (30% vs. 17%) have too much influence.

On the other hand, more than four-in-ten Republican parents (44%) said parents themselves don’t have enough influence on what their local K-12 schools teach, compared with roughly a quarter of Democratic parents (23%). A larger share of Democratic parents – about a third (35%) – said teachers don’t have enough influence on what their local schools teach, compared with a quarter of Republican parents who held this view.

Republican and Democratic parents don’t agree on what their children should learn in school about certain topics. Take slavery, for example: While about nine-in-ten parents of K-12 students overall agreed in the fall 2022 survey that their children should learn about it in school, they differed by party over the specifics. About two-thirds of Republican K-12 parents said they would prefer that their children learn that slavery is part of American history but does not affect the position of Black people in American society today. On the other hand, 70% of Democratic parents said they would prefer for their children to learn that the legacy of slavery still affects the position of Black people in American society today.

Parents are also divided along partisan lines on the topics of gender identity, sex education and America’s position relative to other countries. Notably, 46% of Republican K-12 parents said their children should not learn about gender identity at all in school, compared with 28% of Democratic parents. Those shares were much larger than the shares of Republican and Democratic parents who said that their children should not learn about the other two topics in school.

Many Republican parents see a place for religion in public schools , whereas a majority of Democratic parents do not. About six-in-ten Republican parents of K-12 students (59%) said in the same survey that public school teachers should be allowed to lead students in Christian prayers, including 29% who said this should be the case even if prayers from other religions are not offered. In contrast, 63% of Democratic parents said that public school teachers should not be allowed to lead students in any type of prayers.

In June 2022, before the Center conducted the survey, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of a football coach at a public high school who had prayed with players at midfield after games. More recently, Texas lawmakers introduced several bills in the 2023 legislative session that would expand the role of religion in K-12 public schools in the state. Those proposals included a bill that would require the Ten Commandments to be displayed in every classroom, a bill that would allow schools to replace guidance counselors with chaplains, and a bill that would allow districts to mandate time during the school day for staff and students to pray and study religious materials.

Mentions of diversity, social-emotional learning and related topics in school mission statements are more common in Democratic areas than in Republican areas. K-12 mission statements from public schools in areas where the majority of residents voted Democratic in the 2020 general election are at least twice as likely as those in Republican-voting areas to include the words “diversity,” “equity” or “inclusion,” according to an April 2023 Pew Research Center analysis .

Also, about a third of mission statements in Democratic-voting areas (34%) use the word “social,” compared with a quarter of those in Republican-voting areas, and a similar gap exists for the word “emotional.” Like diversity, equity and inclusion, social-emotional learning is a contentious issue between Democrats and Republicans, even though most K-12 parents think it’s important for their children’s schools to teach these skills . Supporters argue that social-emotional learning helps address mental health needs and student well-being, but some critics consider it emotional manipulation and want it banned.

In contrast, there are broad similarities in school mission statements outside of these hot-button topics. Similar shares of mission statements in Democratic and Republican areas mention students’ future readiness, parent and community involvement, and providing a safe and healthy educational environment for students.

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About 1 in 4 U.S. teachers say their school went into a gun-related lockdown in the last school year

About half of americans say public k-12 education is going in the wrong direction, what public k-12 teachers want americans to know about teaching, what’s it like to be a teacher in america today, race and lgbtq issues in k-12 schools, most popular.

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