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Argumentative Essay Outline on Abortion
- Categories: Abortion
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Words: 665 |
Published: Mar 13, 2024
Words: 665 | Page: 1 | 4 min read
Table of contents
Introduction, thesis statement, paragraph 1: the right to bodily autonomy, paragraph 2: the health and safety of women, paragraph 3: reproductive freedom and economic justice.
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Pro and Con: Abortion
![abortion speech essay brainly Washington DC.,USA, April 26, 1989. Supporters for and against legal abortion face off during a protest outside the United States Supreme Court Building during Webster V Health Services](https://cdn.britannica.com/72/204572-050-4708CA63/Abortion-demonstration-United-States-Supreme-Court-building-Washington-DC-1989.jpg?w=600&q=60)
To access extended pro and con arguments, sources, and discussion questions about whether abortion should be legal, go to ProCon.org .
The debate over whether abortion should be a legal option has long divided people around the world. Split into two groups, pro-choice and pro-life, the two sides frequently clash in protests.
A June 2, 2022 Gallup poll , 55% of Americans identified as “pro-choice,” the highest percentage since 1995. 39% identified as “pro-life,” and 5% were neither or unsure. For the first time in the history of the poll question (since 2001), 52% of Americans believe abortion is morally acceptable. 38% believed the procedure to be morally wrong, and 10% answered that it depended on the situation or they were unsure.
Surgical abortion (aka suction curettage or vacuum curettage) is the most common type of abortion procedure. It involves using a suction device to remove the contents of a pregnant woman’s uterus. Surgical abortion performed later in pregnancy (after 12-16 weeks) is called D&E (dilation and evacuation). The second most common abortion procedure, a medical abortion (aka an “abortion pill”), involves taking medications, usually mifepristone and misoprostol (aka RU-486), within the first seven to nine weeks of pregnancy to induce an abortion. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) found that 67% of abortions performed in 2014 were performed at or less than eight weeks’ gestation, and 91.5% were performed at or less than 13 weeks’ gestation. 77.3% were performed by surgical procedure, while 22.6% were medical abortions. An abortion can cost from $500 to over $1,000 depending on where it is performed and how long into the pregnancy it is.
- Abortion is a safe medical procedure that protects lives.
- Abortion bans endangers healthcare for those not seeking abortions.
- Abortion bans deny bodily autonomy, creating wide-ranging repercussions.
- Life begins at conception, making abortion murder.
- Legal abortion promotes a culture in which life is disposable.
- Increased access to birth control, health insurance, and sexual education would make abortion unnecessary.
This article was published on June 24, 2022, at Britannica’s ProCon.org , a nonpartisan issue-information source.
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- America’s Abortion Quandary
2. Social and moral considerations on abortion
Table of contents.
- 1. Americans’ views on whether, and in what circumstances, abortion should be legal
- Public views of what would change the number of abortions in the U.S.
- A majority of Americans say women should have more say in setting abortion policy in the U.S.
- How do certain arguments about abortion resonate with Americans?
- In their own words: How Americans feel about abortion
- 3. How the issue of abortion touches Americans personally
- Acknowledgments
- Methodology
Relatively few Americans view the morality of abortion in stark terms: Overall, just 7% of all U.S. adults say abortion is morally acceptable in all cases, and 13% say it is morally wrong in all cases. A third say that abortion is morally wrong in most cases, while about a quarter (24%) say it is morally acceptable most of the time. About an additional one-in-five do not consider abortion a moral issue.
![abortion speech essay brainly A chart showing wide religious and partisan differences in views of the morality of abortion](https://www.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/20/2022/05/PF_05.06.22_abortion.views_2_0.png?w=640)
There are wide differences on this question by political party and religious affiliation. Among Republicans and independents who lean toward the Republican Party, most say that abortion is morally wrong either in most (48%) or all cases (20%). Among Democrats and Democratic leaners, meanwhile, only about three-in-ten (29%) hold a similar view. About four-in-ten Democrats say abortion is morally acceptable in most (32%) or all (11%) cases, while an additional 28% say abortion is not a moral issue.
White evangelical Protestants overwhelmingly say abortion is morally wrong in most (51%) or all cases (30%). A slim majority of Catholics (53%) also view abortion as morally wrong, but many also say it is morally acceptable in most (24%) or all cases (4%), or that it is not a moral issue (17%). And among religiously unaffiliated Americans, about three-quarters see abortion as morally acceptable (45%) or not a moral issue (32%).
There is strong alignment between people’s views of whether abortion is morally wrong and whether it should be illegal. For example, among U.S. adults who take the view that abortion should be illegal in all cases without exception, fully 86% also say abortion is always morally wrong. The prevailing view among adults who say abortion should be legal in all circumstances is that abortion is not a moral issue (44%), though notable shares of this group also say it is morally acceptable in all (27%) or most (22%) cases.
Most Americans who say abortion should be illegal with some exceptions take the view that abortion is morally wrong in most cases (69%). Those who say abortion should be legal with some exceptions are somewhat more conflicted, with 43% deeming abortion morally acceptable in most cases and 26% saying it is morally wrong in most cases; an additional 24% say it is not a moral issue.
The survey also asked respondents who said abortion is morally wrong in at least some cases whether there are situations where abortion should still be legal despite being morally wrong. Roughly half of U.S. adults (48%) say that there are, in fact, situations where abortion is morally wrong but should still be legal, while just 22% say that whenever abortion is morally wrong, it should also be illegal. An additional 28% either said abortion is morally acceptable in all cases or not a moral issue, and thus did not receive the follow-up question.
Across both political parties and all major Christian subgroups – including Republicans and White evangelicals – there are substantially more people who say that there are situations where abortion should still be legal despite being morally wrong than there are who say that abortion should always be illegal when it is morally wrong.
![abortion speech essay brainly A chart showing roughly half of Americans say there are situations where abortion is morally wrong, but should still be legal](https://www.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/20/2022/05/PF_05.06.22_abortion.views_2_1.png?w=640)
Asked about the impact a number of policy changes would have on the number of abortions in the U.S., nearly two-thirds of Americans (65%) say “more support for women during pregnancy, such as financial assistance or employment protections” would reduce the number of abortions in the U.S. Six-in-ten say the same about expanding sex education and similar shares say more support for parents (58%), making it easier to place children for adoption in good homes (57%) and passing stricter abortion laws (57%) would have this effect.
While about three-quarters of White evangelical Protestants (74%) say passing stricter abortion laws would reduce the number of abortions in the U.S., about half of religiously unaffiliated Americans (48%) hold this view. Similarly, Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say this (67% vs. 49%, respectively). By contrast, while about seven-in-ten unaffiliated adults (69%) say expanding sex education would reduce the number of abortions in the U.S., only about half of White evangelicals (48%) say this. Democrats also are substantially more likely than Republicans to hold this view (70% vs. 50%).
Democrats are somewhat more likely than Republicans to say support for parents – such as paid family leave or more child care options – would reduce the number of abortions in the country (64% vs. 53%, respectively), while Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say making adoption into good homes easier would reduce abortions (64% vs. 52%).
Majorities across both parties and other subgroups analyzed in this report say that more support for women during pregnancy would reduce the number of abortions in America.
![abortion speech essay brainly A chart showing Republicans more likely than Democrats to say passing stricter abortion laws would reduce number of abortions in the United States](https://www.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/20/2022/05/PF_05.06.22_abortion.views_2_3.png?w=640)
More than half of U.S. adults (56%) say women should have more say than men when it comes to setting policies around abortion in this country – including 42% who say women should have “a lot” more say. About four-in-ten (39%) say men and women should have equal say in abortion policies, and 3% say men should have more say than women.
Six-in-ten women and about half of men (51%) say that women should have more say on this policy issue.
Democrats are much more likely than Republicans to say women should have more say than men in setting abortion policy (70% vs. 41%). Similar shares of Protestants (48%) and Catholics (51%) say women should have more say than men on this issue, while the share of religiously unaffiliated Americans who say this is much higher (70%).
Seeking to gauge Americans’ reactions to several common arguments related to abortion, the survey presented respondents with six statements and asked them to rate how well each statement reflects their views on a five-point scale ranging from “extremely well” to “not at all well.”
![abortion speech essay brainly About half of U.S. adults say if legal abortions are too hard to get, women will seek out unsafe ones](https://www.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/20/2022/05/PF_05.06.22_abortion.views_2_5.png?w=640)
The list included three statements sometimes cited by individuals wishing to protect a right to abortion: “The decision about whether to have an abortion should belong solely to the pregnant woman,” “If legal abortions are too hard to get, then women will seek out unsafe abortions from unlicensed providers,” and “If legal abortions are too hard to get, then it will be more difficult for women to get ahead in society.” The first two of these resonate with the greatest number of Americans, with about half (53%) saying each describes their views “extremely” or “very” well. In other words, among the statements presented in the survey, U.S. adults are most likely to say that women alone should decide whether to have an abortion, and that making abortion illegal will lead women into unsafe situations.
The three other statements are similar to arguments sometimes made by those who wish to restrict access to abortions: “Human life begins at conception, so a fetus is a person with rights,” “If legal abortions are too easy to get, then people won’t be as careful with sex and contraception,” and “If legal abortions are too easy to get, then some pregnant women will be pressured into having an abortion even when they don’t want to.”
Fewer than half of Americans say each of these statements describes their views extremely or very well. Nearly four-in-ten endorse the notion that “human life begins at conception, so a fetus is a person with rights” (26% say this describes their views extremely well, 12% very well), while about a third say that “if legal abortions are too easy to get, then people won’t be as careful with sex and contraception” (20% extremely well, 15% very well).
When it comes to statements cited by proponents of abortion rights, Democrats are much more likely than Republicans to identify with all three of these statements, as are religiously unaffiliated Americans compared with Catholics and Protestants. Women also are more likely than men to express these views – and especially more likely to say that decisions about abortion should fall solely to pregnant women and that restrictions on abortion will put women in unsafe situations. Younger adults under 30 are particularly likely to express the view that if legal abortions are too hard to get, then it will be difficult for women to get ahead in society.
![abortion speech essay brainly A chart showing most Democrats say decisions about abortion should fall solely to pregnant women](https://www.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/20/2022/05/PF_05.06.22_abortion.views_2_6.png?w=640)
In the case of the three statements sometimes cited by opponents of abortion, the patterns generally go in the opposite direction. Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say each statement reflects their views “extremely” or “very” well, as are Protestants (especially White evangelical Protestants) and Catholics compared with the religiously unaffiliated. In addition, older Americans are more likely than young adults to say that human life begins at conception and that easy access to abortion encourages unsafe sex.
Gender differences on these questions, however, are muted. In fact, women are just as likely as men to say that human life begins at conception, so a fetus is a person with rights (39% and 38%, respectively).
![abortion speech essay brainly A chart showing nearly three-quarters of White evangelicals say human life begins at conception](https://www.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/20/2022/05/PF_05.06.22_abortion.views_2_7.png?w=640)
Analyzing certain statements together allows for an examination of the extent to which individuals can simultaneously hold two views that may seem to some as in conflict. For instance, overall, one-in-three U.S. adults say that both the statement “the decision about whether to have an abortion should belong solely to the pregnant woman” and the statement “human life begins at conception, so the fetus is a person with rights” reflect their own views at least somewhat well. This includes 12% of adults who say both statements reflect their views “extremely” or “very” well.
Republicans are slightly more likely than Democrats to say both statements reflect their own views at least somewhat well (36% vs. 30%), although Republicans are much more likely to say only the statement about the fetus being a person with rights reflects their views at least somewhat well (39% vs. 9%) and Democrats are much more likely to say only the statement about the decision to have an abortion belonging solely to the pregnant woman reflects their views at least somewhat well (55% vs. 19%).
Additionally, those who take the stance that abortion should be legal in all cases with no exceptions are overwhelmingly likely (76%) to say only the statement about the decision belonging solely to the pregnant woman reflects their views extremely, very or somewhat well, while a nearly identical share (73%) of those who say abortion should be illegal in all cases with no exceptions say only the statement about human life beginning at conception reflects their views at least somewhat well.
![abortion speech essay brainly A chart showing one-third of U.S. adults say both that abortion decision belongs solely to the pregnant woman, and that life begins at conception and fetuses have rights](https://www.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/20/2022/05/PF_05.06.22_abortion.views_2_8.png?w=640)
When asked to describe whether they had any other additional views or feelings about abortion, adults shared a range of strong or complex views about the topic. In many cases, Americans reiterated their strong support – or opposition to – abortion in the U.S. Others reflected on how difficult or nuanced the issue was, offering emotional responses or personal experiences to one of two open-ended questions asked on the survey.
One open-ended question asked respondents if they wanted to share any other views or feelings about abortion overall. The other open-ended question asked respondents about their feelings or views regarding abortion restrictions. The responses to both questions were similar.
Overall, about three-in-ten adults offered a response to either of the open-ended questions. There was little difference in the likelihood to respond by party, religion or gender, though people who say they have given a “lot” of thought to the issue were more likely to respond than people who have not.
Of those who did offer additional comments, about a third of respondents said something in support of legal abortion. By far the most common sentiment expressed was that the decision to have an abortion should be solely a personal decision, or a decision made jointly with a woman and her health care provider, with some saying simply that it “should be between a woman and her doctor.” Others made a more general point, such as one woman who said, “A woman’s body and health should not be subject to legislation.”
About one-in-five of the people who responded to the question expressed disapproval of abortion – the most common reason being a belief that a fetus is a person or that abortion is murder. As one woman said, “It is my belief that life begins at conception and as much as is humanly possible, we as a society need to support, protect and defend each one of those little lives.” Others in this group pointed to the fact that they felt abortion was too often used as a form of birth control. For example, one man said, “Abortions are too easy to obtain these days. It seems more women are using it as a way of birth control.”
About a quarter of respondents who opted to answer one of the open-ended questions said that their views about abortion were complex; many described having mixed feelings about the issue or otherwise expressed sympathy for both sides of the issue. One woman said, “I am personally opposed to abortion in most cases, but I think it would be detrimental to society to make it illegal. I was alive before the pill and before legal abortions. Many women died.” And one man said, “While I might feel abortion may be wrong in some cases, it is never my place as a man to tell a woman what to do with her body.”
The remaining responses were either not related to the topic or were difficult to interpret.
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These women speak candidly about their abortions. Here's what they want you to know
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Persuasive Essay About Abortion
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Are you about to write a persuasive essay on abortion but wondering how to begin?
Writing an effective persuasive essay on the topic of abortion can be a difficult task for many students.
It is important to understand both sides of the issue and form an argument based on facts and logical reasoning. This requires research and understanding, which takes time and effort.
In this blog, we will provide you with some easy steps to craft a persuasive essay about abortion that is compelling and convincing. Moreover, we have included some example essays and interesting facts to read and get inspired by.
So let's start!
![abortion speech essay brainly Arrow Down](https://myperfectwords.com/_next/image?url=%2F_next%2Fstatic%2Fmedia%2Farrow-down.10381593.webp&w=48&q=75)
- 1. How To Write a Persuasive Essay About Abortion?
- 2. Persuasive Essay About Abortion Examples
- 3. Examples of Argumentative Essay About Abortion
- 4. Abortion Persuasive Essay Topics
- 5. Facts About Abortion You Need to Know
How To Write a Persuasive Essay About Abortion?
Abortion is a controversial topic, with people having differing points of view and opinions on the matter. There are those who oppose abortion, while some people endorse pro-choice arguments.
It is also an emotionally charged subject, so you need to be extra careful when crafting your persuasive essay .
Before you start writing your persuasive essay, you need to understand the following steps.
Step 1: Choose Your Position
The first step to writing a persuasive essay on abortion is to decide your position. Do you support the practice or are you against it? You need to make sure that you have a clear opinion before you begin writing.
Once you have decided, research and find evidence that supports your position. This will help strengthen your argument.
Check out the video below to get more insights into this topic:
Step 2: Choose Your Audience
The next step is to decide who your audience will be. Will you write for pro-life or pro-choice individuals? Or both?
Knowing who you are writing for will guide your writing and help you include the most relevant facts and information.
![abortion speech essay brainly Order Essay](https://assets.myperfectwords.com/blog/persuasive-essay-guide/persuasive-essay-about-abortion/cta-img.png)
Paper Due? Why Suffer? That's our Job!
Step 3: Define Your Argument
Now that you have chosen your position and audience, it is time to craft your argument.
Start by defining what you believe and why, making sure to use evidence to support your claims. You also need to consider the opposing arguments and come up with counter arguments. This helps make your essay more balanced and convincing.
Step 4: Format Your Essay
Once you have the argument ready, it is time to craft your persuasive essay. Follow a standard format for the essay, with an introduction, body paragraphs, and conclusion.
Make sure that each paragraph is organized and flows smoothly. Use clear and concise language, getting straight to the point.
Step 5: Proofread and Edit
The last step in writing your persuasive essay is to make sure that you proofread and edit it carefully. Look for spelling, grammar, punctuation, or factual errors and correct them. This will help make your essay more professional and convincing.
These are the steps you need to follow when writing a persuasive essay on abortion. It is a good idea to read some examples before you start so you can know how they should be written.
Continue reading to find helpful examples.
Persuasive Essay About Abortion Examples
To help you get started, here are some example persuasive essays on abortion that may be useful for your own paper.
Short Persuasive Essay About Abortion
Persuasive Essay About No To Abortion
What Is Abortion? - Essay Example
Persuasive Speech on Abortion
Legal Abortion Persuasive Essay
Persuasive Essay About Abortion in the Philippines
Persuasive Essay about legalizing abortion
You can also read m ore persuasive essay examples to imp rove your persuasive skills.
Examples of Argumentative Essay About Abortion
An argumentative essay is a type of essay that presents both sides of an argument. These essays rely heavily on logic and evidence.
Here are some examples of argumentative essay with introduction, body and conclusion that you can use as a reference in writing your own argumentative essay.
Abortion Persuasive Essay Introduction
Argumentative Essay About Abortion Conclusion
Argumentative Essay About Abortion Pdf
Argumentative Essay About Abortion in the Philippines
Argumentative Essay About Abortion - Introduction
Abortion Persuasive Essay Topics
If you are looking for some topics to write your persuasive essay on abortion, here are some examples:
- Should abortion be legal in the United States?
- Is it ethical to perform abortions, considering its pros and cons?
- What should be done to reduce the number of unwanted pregnancies that lead to abortions?
- Is there a connection between abortion and psychological trauma?
- What are the ethical implications of abortion on demand?
- How has the debate over abortion changed over time?
- Should there be legal restrictions on late-term abortions?
- Does gender play a role in how people view abortion rights?
- Is it possible to reduce poverty and unwanted pregnancies through better sex education?
- How is the anti-abortion point of view affected by religious beliefs and values?
These are just some of the potential topics that you can use for your persuasive essay on abortion. Think carefully about the topic you want to write about and make sure it is something that interests you.
Check out m ore persuasive essay topics that will help you explore other things that you can write about!
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Facts About Abortion You Need to Know
Here are some facts about abortion that will help you formulate better arguments.
- According to the Guttmacher Institute , 1 in 4 pregnancies end in abortion.
- The majority of abortions are performed in the first trimester.
- Abortion is one of the safest medical procedures, with less than a 0.5% risk of major complications.
- In the United States, 14 states have laws that restrict or ban most forms of abortion after 20 weeks gestation.
- Seven out of 198 nations allow elective abortions after 20 weeks of pregnancy.
- In places where abortion is illegal, more women die during childbirth and due to complications resulting from pregnancy.
- A majority of pregnant women who opt for abortions do so for financial and social reasons.
- According to estimates, 56 million abortions occur annually.
In conclusion, these are some of the examples, steps, and topics that you can use to write a persuasive essay. Make sure to do your research thoroughly and back up your arguments with evidence. This will make your essay more professional and convincing.
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Frequently Asked Questions
What should i talk about in an essay about abortion.
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When writing an essay about abortion, it is important to cover all the aspects of the subject. This includes discussing both sides of the argument, providing facts and evidence to support your claims, and exploring potential solutions.
What is a good argument for abortion?
A good argument for abortion could be that it is a woman’s choice to choose whether or not to have an abortion. It is also important to consider the potential risks of carrying a pregnancy to term.
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Right to life vs right to a choice: Is abortion sometimes necessary?
Most people don’t like the idea of abortion. But many of them still think it could be necessary.
Women who are unexpectedly pregnant often face very difficult circumstances. They may struggle financially and feel unable to afford to raise a child. They may experience relationship turmoil and lack support from the father and from others. They may have educational and career plans that now seem in jeopardy. Thus abortion, many people feel, is sometimes needed for practical reasons—it is needed to bring about a better state of affairs (economically, professionally, emotionally) for pregnant women. Denying them the option of abortion is cruel. Or so the thinking goes.
We should never dismiss or downplay the challenges that pregnant women confront. We should agree that these are serious concerns and that we ought to respond with understanding and compassion. But pragmatic reasons for abortion all have one fundamental problem: They do not justify the killing of valuable human beings. May a poverty-stricken father take the life of his 10-year-old daughter if she drains the family budget? No. Should a woman drown her toddler after her husband abandons them? Of course not. May a man dispose of his elderly and dependent mother so that he can better pursue his career? The answer is obvious.
If an unborn child is a valuable human being with a right to life—like the 10-year-old, the toddler, and the elderly woman—then tough circumstances don’t justify killing her either. So, does the unborn child have a right to life? Does she deserve our respect just like everyone else? That’s the real issue.
The science of embryology shows that the human embryo or fetus is a living member of the species Homo sapiens at the earliest stages of development. And all human beings—regardless of their age, size, ability, and dependency—have human rights. The young, small, and developmentally immature count just as much as the big, strong, and smart. Pregnant women should matter to us. And their children should matter, too.
How, then, ought we respond to the difficulties women often face? Killing isn’t the answer. Killing isn’t how a humane society solves its problems. We can’t make bad circumstances an excuse for encouraging injustice. Instead, we have to actually address the bad circumstances. We have to support those who need help and provide positive alternatives to abortion.
Our society has the resources to ensure that women, children, and families flourish. Pregnancy care centers, maternity homes, government programs, and other forms of assistance can and do help women deal with the challenges of pregnancy and parenthood. Adoption, moreover, is a loving alternative that enables parents to relinquish responsibility. The work of helping women has been and will always be a priority for the pro-life movement. Thousands of pro-life centers across the world serve pregnant women every day. Their mission? Support women and their families. Meet their practical needs. Empower them for lasting success. So no one feels like abortion is necessary.
Isaiah Ceasar B. Bie J.D.,
Alliance for the Family Foundation Philippines
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Argumentative Essay
Jazatte Dalisay is a ninth-grade student at the Manhattan Center for Science and Mathematics. This essay was composed in a class tutored by James Traub, a long-time PEN Member and coordinator of PEN’s Writers in the Schools program.
Women’s rights have greatly evolved throughout the centuries. As of 2014, women in the U.S. are entitled to their right to decide when to have a child. But there is a constant debate on whether or not abortion should remain legal in the United States. The legalization of abortion has not only kept women from danger, but has provided women with a concrete solution to unplanned pregnancies and protects their civil rights. Taking abortion off the shelf of opportunity for women will only make them seek illicit and dangerous methods to abort an unwanted child and takes away the ability of women to decide what to do with their own bodies.
It is understandable why some might think abortion is an inhumane act that is unnecessary and unlawful, especially since there are alternatives. Adoption has been seen as the perfect solution to unplanned pregnancies; women can simply give their unwanted child away to someone who wants it. With adoption, infertile couples get another chance at making a family, and the child still has a chance at life. This would seem to be the most logical, and humane thing to do. So why does abortion exist?
What people who are pro-life fail to see is the psychological and emotional damage that is inflicted on the woman during the pregnancy. If abortion were to be banned, women who have gotten pregnant through rape and/or incest would have to withstand the shame and pain of knowing that an unwanted child is growing inside them. Victims would be forced to have a constant reminder of their rape. A recent study shows that rape victims are 13 times more likely to attempt suicide, and 26 times more likely to abuse substances such as alcohol and drugs (mscu.edu). Banning abortion would mean destroying the chances of women who are victims of rape to get closure. The psychological and emotional stress can fuel their desperation to rid themselves of the fetus and make them go to great lengths to do that. According to Daniel R. Mishell, Jr., MD, Chair of the Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology at the Keck School of Medicine, University of Southern California, “before abortion was legalized women would frequently try to induce abortions by using coat hangers, knitting needles, or radiator flush, or by going to unsafe “back-alley” abortionists.” In the end, banning abortion will not stop women from trying to rid themselves of the fetus, but just put their own well-being in jeopardy.
Abortion is also a concrete solution to unplanned pregnancies. Though the use of contraceptions, such as the morning-after pill, have been proven to work, it is not always as effective. “Fifty-one percent of women who have abortions had used a contraceptive method in the month they got pregnant, most commonly condoms (27 percent) or a hormonal method (17 percent)” (guttmacher.org). Often, women and teenage girls are too afraid to speak up or don’t even know that they are pregnant, and once they realize they are, it’s already too late—contraceptions are not effective after a certain amount of time. Abortion is their last chance of terminating the pregnancy in a safe and legal way.
Lastly, keeping abortion legal protects women’s rights. Women have full control over their bodies, meaning what they do with them is their decision. If abortion were illegal, women would be stripped of this right. According to Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O’Conner, “The ability of women to participate equally in the economic and social life of the Nation has been facilitated by their ability to control their reproductive lives” (procon.org). Abortion is also viewed as a fundamental right under law. The Constitution gives “a guarantee of certain areas or zones of privacy,” and that “This right of privacy…is broad enough to encompass a woman’s decision whether or not to terminate her pregnancy” (procon.org). Making abortion illegal means robbing women of their rights.
Keeping abortion legal ensures a woman’s safety when faced with unplanned pregnancies, provides hope for rape victims and helps them in moving on with their lives, and protects women’s rights. Making abortion illegal does not stop women from trying to terminate a pregnancy, nor does it save lives. Rather, it does the opposite — illegalizing abortion puts women in danger and prevents them from having control over their own bodies.
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Reflections on Abortion, Values, and the Family
Cite this chapter.
- Jean Bethke Elshtain 3
Part of the book series: The Hastings Center Series in Ethics ((HCSE))
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We live in a society marked by moral conflict. This conflict has deep historical roots and is reflected in our institutions, practices, laws, norms, and values. The abortion debate taps strongly held, powerfully experienced moral and political imperatives. These imperatives, in turn, are linked internally to a cluster of complex concerns and images evoking what sort of people we are anyway and what we aspire to be. The abortion debate won’t “go away, ” nor should it. For we are, after all, talking about matters of life and death, freedom and obligation, rights and duties: None of us can dispute that, and none of us can be nonplussed when we face the dilemmas that the abortion question poses.
My position has emerged complicatedly, first through familial and religious influence. As a child, I was taught the importance and integrity of life and the need to protect it. I remember my sisters and me doing our best to rescue fallen birds and nurse them back to health. We laboriously mixed an earthworm paste to feed to the birds through eye droppers. We mourned the deaths of baby chicks, ducks, and calves. Life was valuable, we were taught, not for instrumental reasons but in itself. The part of “me” that remains importantly the child that I was reasons thus: If a baby chick deserves respectful “tending to, ” does not a vulnerable, wholly dependent human life? Is that not what we are talking about if we talk ordinary language and refuse to retreat behind a screen of distancing, “medicalized” abstractions (“products of conception, ” “fetal matter, ” and so on)?
There are ways in which this direct and beautifully simple moral response has been both challenged and affirmed in my adult life. It has been challenged by my recognition of the desperate circumstances and situations in which many women find and have found themselves, for it is women who bear the most direct and inescapable brunt of human procreation. I do not call to mind here the desperate teenager alone but, say, the menopausal woman in her 50s who has every reason to believe that she is past reproductive age but finds, to her astonishment, that she is not. If one is a merciful and compassionate being, then one’s mercy and compassion must go out to these women and must not limit itself to the unborn. So I cannot accept an absolute prohibition on abortion. But I do not—and cannot—see that “right” as absolute. Here, I can draw on political and theoretical imperatives that are confirmatory of a respect-for-life position.
I am also influenced in my present position by a particular sort of social theory and philosophy—interpretive, reflective, and critical—together with my political concern that the white, middle-class or upper-middle-class majority has, all too often, presumed to legislate in behalf of, or undercover of, others, claiming that these others the poor or the minorities) require reforms that they might not be in a position to “see” for themselves. I believe that people must speak for themselves, in their own language, to their most urgent concerns. This belief introduces immediate ambiguity into the abortion debate—and deepens the ambiguity of my own position. For I am in fact part of a large majority that opposes both abortion on demand and an absolute restriction on abortion. This position suggests to me that my au-tobiographical history—though confirmed by a later commitment to a certain mode of social theorizing—is not mine alone but is shared by many Americans who are irrepressibly pragmatic yet stubbornly ethical and moral in their concerns. We should acknowledge, not quash, these moral sensibilities. The abortion debate is vital, for it means that we are still concerned about the sort of people we are and the kind of lives we are living.
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A Brief Introduction to Medical Practice and Public Policy in Abortion
Love Them Both: Pro-life Is Pro-women
Feminist accounts of abortion.
Philip Abbott, The Family on Trial ( University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1981 ), p. 138.
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Quoted in Daniel Callahan, Abortion: Law, Choice and Morality ( New York: Macmillan, 1970 ), p. 462.
Cited in Lawrence Lader, Abortion (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1966), p. 156. (Italics added.)
Carol McMillen, Women, Reason and Nature ( Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982 ), p. 127.
Alasdair Maclntyre, After Virtue ( South Bend, Ind.: Notre Dame University Press, 1981 ), p. 205.
Peter Brown, The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin ( Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981 ), p. 30.
Harry Boyte, The Backyard Revolution ( Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980 ).
Stanley Hauerwas, “The Moral Value of the Family,” in A Community of Character (South Bend, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1981 ), p. 165.
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Elshtain, J.B. (1984). Reflections on Abortion, Values, and the Family. In: Callahan, S., Callahan, D. (eds) Abortion. The Hastings Center Series in Ethics. Springer, Boston, MA. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4613-2753-0_3
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WATCH: Donald Trump speaks at 2024 Republican National Convention
MILWAUKEE (AP) — Donald Trump, somber and bandaged, accepted the GOP presidential nomination on Thursday at the Republican National Convention in a speech that described in detail the assassination attempt that could have ended his life just five days earlier before laying out a sweeping populist agenda, particularly on immigration.
Watch his remarks in the player above.
The 78-year-old former president, known best for his bombast and aggressive rhetoric, began his acceptance speech with a softer and deeply personal message that drew directly from his brush with death. Moment by moment, the crowd listening in silence, Trump described standing onstage in Butler, Pennsylvania, with his head turned to look at a chart on display when he felt something hit his ear. He raised his hand to his head and saw immediately that it was covered in blood.
READ MORE: 5 takeaways from Trump’s RNC speech
“If I had not moved my head at that very last instant, the assassin’s bullet would have perfectly hit its mark,” Trump said. “And I would not be here tonight. We would not be together.”
Trump’s address, the longest convention speech in modern history at just under 93 minutes, marked the climax and conclusion of a massive four-day Republican pep rally that drew thousands of conservative activists and elected officials to swing-state Wisconsin as voters weigh an election that currently features two deeply unpopular candidates. Sensing political opportunity in the wake of his near-death experience, the often bombastic Republican leader embraced a new tone he hopes will help generate even more momentum in an election that appears to be shifting in his favor.
“The discord and division in our society must be healed. We must heal it quickly. As Americans, we are bound together by a single fate and a shared destiny. We rise together. Or we fall apart,” Trump said, wearing a large white bandage on his right ear, as he has all week, to cover a wound he sustained in the Saturday shooting. “I am running to be president for all of America, not half of America, because there is no victory in winning for half of America.”
While he spoke in a gentler tone than at his usual rallies, Trump also outlined an agenda led by what he promises would be the largest deportation operation in U.S. history. He repeatedly accused people crossing the U.S.-Mexico border illegally of staging an “invasion.” Additionally, he teased new tariffs on trade and an “America first” foreign policy.
Live fact check: Night 4 of the Republican National Convention
Trump also falsely suggested Democrats had cheated during the 2020 election he lost — despite a raft of federal and state investigations proving there was no systemic fraud — and suggested “we must not criminalize dissent or demonize political disagreement,” even as he has long called for prosecutions of his opponents.
He did not mention abortion rights, an issue that has bedeviled Republicans ever since the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a federally guaranteed right to abortion two years ago. Trump nominated three of the six justices who overturned Roe v. Wade. Trump at his rallies often takes credit for Roe being overturned and argues states should have the right to institute their own abortion laws.
Nor did he mention the insurrection at the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, in which Trump supporters tried to stop the certification of his loss to Democrat Joe Biden. Trump has long referred to the people jailed in the riot as “hostages.”
Indeed, Trump barely mentioned Biden, often referring only to the “current administration.”
The RNC ends at an uncertain moment in the race
With less than four months to go in the contest, major changes in the race are possible, if not likely.
Trump’s appearance came as Biden, the 81-year-old Democratic incumbent, clings to his party’s presumptive nomination in the face of unrelenting pressure from key congressional allies, donors and even former President Barack Obama, who fear he may be unable to win reelection after his disastrous debate.
Long pressed by allies to campaign more vigorously, Biden is instead in isolation at his beach home in Delaware after having been diagnosed with COVID-19.
READ MORE: More Democrats urge Biden to consider dropping out as he’s off campaign trail with COVID
Hours before the balloons were scheduled to rain down on Trump and his family inside the convention hall, Biden deputy campaign manager Quentin Fulks appeared nearby in Milwaukee and insisted over and over that Biden would not step aside.
“I do not want to be rude, but I don’t know how many more times I can answer that,” Fulks told reporters. “There are no plans being made to replace Biden on the ballot.”
Strength on the program
Thursday’s RNC program seemed designed to project strength and masculinity in an implicit rebuke of Biden.
Ultimate Fighting Championship President Dana White called Trump “a real American bad ass.” Kid Rock performed a song with the chorus, “Fight, fight!,” echoing the word Trump shouted on stage in Pennsylvania as Secret Service agents helped him off the stage. And wrestling icon Hulk Hogan described the former president as “an American hero.”
Hogan drew a raucous response when, standing on the main stage, he ripped off his shirt to reveal a red Trump-Vance “Make America Great Again” shirt.
“As an entertainer, I try to stay out of politics,” Hogan said as he briefly broke character. “I can no longer stay silent.”
WATCH: Hulk Hogan speaks at 2024 Republican National Convention
Like many speakers during the convention, former Fox News host Tucker Carlson suggested that recent events were divinely inspired and that he wondered “if something bigger is going on.”
“I think it changed him,” Carlson said of the shooting, praising Trump for not lashing out in anger afterward.
“He did his best to bring the country together,” Carlson added. “This is the most responsible, unifying behavior from a leader I’ve ever seen.”
Former first lady Melania Trump and Ivanka Trump, the president’s elder daughter and former senior adviser, joined Trump in the convention hall ahead of his speech, making their first appearances there. Neither woman spoke.
At nearly 93 minutes, the former president’s speech eclipsed the 74 minutes for which he spoke eight years ago, according to the American Presidency Project at the University of California, Santa Barbara.
Republicans leave their convention united
The convention has showcased a Republican Party reshaped by Trump since he shocked the GOP establishment and won over the party’s grassroots on his way to the party’s 2016 nomination. Rivals Trump has vanquished — including Sens. Ted Cruz of Texas and Marco Rubio of Florida, former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley and Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis — put aside their past criticisms and gave him their unqualified support.
Even his vice presidential pick, Ohio Sen. JD Vance, Trump’s choice to carry his movement into the next generation, was once a fierce critic who suggested in a private message since made public that Trump could be “America’s Hitler.”
Security was a major focus in Milwaukee in the wake of Trump’s near-assassination. But after nearly four full days, there were no serious incidents inside the convention hall or the large security perimeter that surrounded it.
The Secret Service, backed by hundreds of law enforcement officers from across the nation, had a large and visible presence. And during Trump’s appearances each night, he was surrounded by a wall of protective agents wherever he went.
Meanwhile, Trump and his campaign have not released information about his injury or the treatment he received. The former president on Thursday described his story of surviving the attack — and vowed he would not talk about it again.
“I’m not supposed to be here tonight,” Trump told the packed convention hall. The crowd of thousands, which was listening in silence, shouted back, “Yes, you are.”
Associated Press reporters Michelle L. Price, Farnoush Amiri and Adriana Gomez Licon in Milwaukee and Emily Swanson in Washington contributed to this report.
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The Safety and Quality of Abortion Care in the United States (2018)
Chapter: 5 conclusions, 5 conclusions.
This report provides a comprehensive review of the state of the science on the safety and quality of abortion services in the United States. The committee was charged with answering eight specific research questions. This chapter presents the committee’s conclusions by responding individually to each question. The research findings that are the basis for these conclusions are presented in the previous chapters. The committee was also asked to offer recommendations regarding the eight questions. However, the committee decided that its conclusions regarding the safety and quality of U.S. abortion care responded comprehensively to the scope of this study. Therefore, the committee does not offer recommendations for specific actions to be taken by policy makers, health care providers, and others.
1. What types of legal abortion services are available in the United States? What is the evidence regarding which services are appropriate under different clinical circumstances (e.g., based on patient medical conditions such as previous cesarean section, obesity, gestational age)?
Four legal abortion methods—medication, 1 aspiration, dilation and evacuation (D&E), and induction—are used in the United States. Length of gestation—measured as the amount of time since the first day of the last
___________________
1 The terms “medication abortion” and “medical abortion” are used interchangeably in the literature. This report uses “medication abortion” to describe the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA)-approved prescription drug regimen used up to 10 weeks’ gestation.
menstrual period—is the primary factor in deciding what abortion procedure is the most appropriate. Both medication and aspiration abortions are used up to 10 weeks’ gestation. Aspiration procedures may be used up to 14 to 16 weeks’ gestation.
Mifepristone, sold under the brand name Mifeprex, is the only medication specifically approved by the FDA for use in medication abortion. The drug’s distribution has been restricted under the requirements of the FDA Risk Evaluation and Mitigation Strategy program since 2011—it may be dispensed only to patients in clinics, hospitals, or medical offices under the supervision of a certified prescriber. To become a certified prescriber, eligible clinicians must register with the drug’s distributor, Danco Laboratories, and meet certain requirements. Retail pharmacies are prohibited from distributing the drug.
When abortion by aspiration is no longer feasible, D&E and induction methods are used. D&E is the superior method; in comparison, inductions are more painful for women, take significantly more time, and are more costly. However, D&Es are not always available to women. The procedure is illegal in Mississippi 2 and West Virginia 3 (both states allow exceptions in cases of life endangerment or severe physical health risk to the woman). Elsewhere, access to the procedure is limited because many obstetrician/gynecologists (OB/GYNs) and other physicians lack the requisite training to perform D&Es. Physicians’ access to D&E training is very limited or nonexistent in many areas of the country.
Few women are medically ineligible for abortion. There are, however, specific contraindications to using mifepristone for a medication abortion or induction. The drug should not be used for women with confirmed or suspected ectopic pregnancy or undiagnosed adnexal mass; an intrauterine device in place; chronic adrenal failure; concurrent long-term systemic corticosteroid therapy; hemorrhagic disorders or concurrent anticoagulant therapy; allergy to mifepristone, misoprostol, or other prostaglandins; or inherited porphyrias.
Obesity is not a risk factor for women who undergo medication or aspiration abortions (including with the use of moderate intravenous sedation). Research on the association between obesity and complications during a D&E abortion is less certain—particularly for women with Class III obesity (body mass index ≥40) after 14 weeks’ gestation.
A history of a prior cesarean delivery is not a risk factor for women undergoing medication or aspiration abortions, but it may be associated
2 Mississippi Unborn Child Protection from Dismemberment Abortion Act, Mississippi HB 519, Reg. Sess. 2015–2016 (2016).
3 Unborn Child Protection from Dismemberment Abortion Act, West Virginia SB 10, Reg. Sess. 2015–2016 (2016).
with an increased risk of complications during D&E abortions, particularly for women with multiple cesarean deliveries. Because induction abortions are so rare, it is difficult to determine definitively whether a prior cesarean delivery increases the risk of complications. The available research suggests no association.
2. What is the evidence on the physical and mental health risks of these different abortion interventions?
Abortion has been investigated for its potential long-term effects on future childbearing and pregnancy outcomes, risk of breast cancer, mental health disorders, and premature death. The committee found that much of the published literature on these topics does not meet scientific standards for rigorous, unbiased research. Reliable research uses documented records of a prior abortion, analyzes comparable study and control groups, and controls for confounding variables shown to affect the outcome of interest.
Physical health effects The committee identified high-quality research on numerous outcomes of interest and concludes that having an abortion does not increase a woman’s risk of secondary infertility, pregnancy-related hypertensive disorders, abnormal placentation (after a D&E abortion), preterm birth, or breast cancer. Although rare, the risk of very preterm birth (<28 weeks’ gestation) in a woman’s first birth was found to be associated with having two or more prior aspiration abortions compared with first births among women with no abortion history; the risk appears to be associated with the number of prior abortions. Preterm birth is associated with pregnancy spacing after an abortion: it is more likely if the interval between abortion and conception is less than 6 months (this is also true of pregnancy spacing in general). The committee did not find well-designed research on abortion’s association with future ectopic pregnancy, miscarriage or stillbirth, or long-term mortality. Findings on hemorrhage during a subsequent pregnancy are inconclusive.
Mental health effects The committee identified a wide array of research on whether abortion increases women’s risk of depression, anxiety, and/or posttraumatic stress disorder and concludes that having an abortion does not increase a woman’s risk of these mental health disorders.
3. What is the evidence on the safety and quality of medical and surgical abortion care?
Safety The clinical evidence clearly shows that legal abortions in the United States—whether by medication, aspiration, D&E, or induction—are
safe and effective. Serious complications are rare. But the risk of a serious complication increases with weeks’ gestation. As the number of weeks increases, the invasiveness of the required procedure and the need for deeper levels of sedation also increase.
Quality Health care quality is a multidimensional concept. Six attributes of health care quality—safety, effectiveness, patient-centeredness, timeliness, efficiency, and equity—were central to the committee’s review of the quality of abortion care. Table 5-1 details the committee’s conclusions regarding each of these quality attributes. Overall, the committee concludes that the quality of abortion care depends to a great extent on where women live. In many parts of the country, state regulations have created barriers to optimizing each dimension of quality care. The quality of care is optimal when the care is based on current evidence and when trained clinicians are available to provide abortion services.
4. What is the evidence on the minimum characteristics of clinical facilities necessary to effectively and safely provide the different types of abortion interventions?
Most abortions can be provided safely in office-based settings. No special equipment or emergency arrangements are required for medication abortions. For other abortion methods, the minimum facility characteristics depend on the level of sedation that is used. Aspiration abortions are performed safely in office and clinic settings. If moderate sedation is used, the facility should have emergency resuscitation equipment and an emergency transfer plan, as well as equipment to monitor oxygen saturation, heart rate, and blood pressure. For D&Es that involve deep sedation or general anesthesia, the facility should be similarly equipped and also have equipment to provide general anesthesia and monitor ventilation.
Women with severe systemic disease require special measures if they desire or need deep sedation or general anesthesia. These women require further clinical assessment and should have their abortion in an accredited ambulatory surgery center or hospital.
5. What is the evidence on what clinical skills are necessary for health care providers to safely perform the various components of abortion care, including pregnancy determination, counseling, gestational age assessment, medication dispensing, procedure performance, patient monitoring, and follow-up assessment and care?
Required skills All abortion procedures require competent providers skilled in patient preparation (education, counseling, and informed consent);
TABLE 5-1 Does Abortion Care in the United States Meet the Six Attributes of Quality Health Care?
Quality Attribute | Definition | Committee’s Conclusions |
---|---|---|
Safety | Avoiding injuries to patients from the care that is intended to help them. | Legal abortions—whether by medication, aspiration, D&E, or induction—are safe. Serious complications are rare and occur far less frequently than during childbirth. Safety is enhanced when the abortion is performed as early in pregnancy as possible. |
Effectiveness | Providing services based on scientific knowledge to all who could benefit and refraining from providing services to those not likely to benefit (avoiding underuse and overuse, respectively). | Legal abortions—whether by medication, aspiration, D&E, or induction—are effective. The likelihood that women will receive the type of abortion services that best meets their needs varies considerably depending on where they live. In many parts of the country, abortion-specific regulations on the site and nature of care, provider type, provider training, and public funding diminish this dimension of quality care. The regulations may limit the number of available providers, misinform women of the risks of the procedures they are considering, overrule women’s and clinician’s medical decision making, or require medically unnecessary services and delays in care. These include policies that |
Quality Attribute | Definition | Committee’s Conclusions |
---|---|---|
Patient-Centeredness | Providing care that is respectful of and responsive to individual patient preferences, needs, and values and ensuring that patient values guide all clinical decisions. | Patients’ personal circumstances and individual preferences (including preferred abortion method), needs, and values may be disregarded depending on where they live (as noted above). The high state-to-state variability regarding the specifics of abortion care may be difficult for patients to understand and navigate. Patients’ ability to be adequately informed in order to make sound medical decisions is impeded when state regulations require that |
Timeliness | Reducing waits and sometimes harmful delays for both those who receive and those who give care. | The timeliness of an abortion depends on a variety of local factors, such as the availability of care, affordability, distance from the provider, and state requirements for an in-person counseling appointment and waiting periods (18 to 72 hours) between counseling and the abortion. |
Efficiency | Avoiding waste, including waste of equipment, supplies, ideas, and energy. | An extensive body of clinical research has led to important refinements and improvements in the procedures, techniques, and methods for performing abortions. The extent to which abortion care is delivered efficiently depends, in part, on the alignment of state regulations with current evidence on best practices. Regulations that require medically unnecessary equipment, services, and/or additional patient visits increase cost, and thus decrease efficiency. |
Quality Attribute | Definition | Committee’s Conclusions |
---|---|---|
Equity | Providing care that does not vary in quality because of personal characteristics such as gender, ethnicity, geographic location, and socioeconomic status. | State-level abortion regulations are likely to affect women differently based on their geographic location and socioeconomic status. Barriers (lack of insurance coverage, waiting periods, limits on qualified providers, and requirements for multiple appointments) are more burdensome for women who reside far from providers and/or have limited resources. |
a These attributes of quality health care were first proposed by the Institute of Medicine’s Committee on Quality of Health Care in America in the 2001 report Crossing the Quality Chasm: A New Health System for the 21st Century.
b Elsewhere in this report, effectiveness refers to the successful completion of the abortion without the need for a follow-up aspiration.
clinical assessment (confirming intrauterine pregnancy, determining gestation, taking a relevant medical history, and physical examination); pain management; identification and management of expected side effects and serious complications; and contraceptive counseling and provision. To provide medication abortions, the clinician should be skilled in all these areas. To provide aspiration abortions, the clinician should also be skilled in the technical aspects of an aspiration procedure. To provide D&E abortions, the clinician needs the relevant surgical expertise and sufficient caseload to maintain the requisite surgical skills. To provide induction abortions, the clinician requires the skills needed for managing labor and delivery.
Clinicians that have the necessary competencies Both trained physicians (OB/GYNs, family medicine physicians, and other physicians) and advanced practice clinicians (APCs) (physician assistants, certified nurse-midwives, and nurse practitioners) can provide medication and aspiration abortions safely and effectively. OB/GYNs, family medicine physicians, and other physicians with appropriate training and experience can perform D&E abortions. Induction abortions can be provided by clinicians (OB/GYNs,
family medicine physicians, and certified nurse-midwives) with training in managing labor and delivery.
The extensive body of research documenting the safety of abortion care in the United States reflects the outcomes of abortions provided by thousands of individual clinicians. The use of sedation and anesthesia may require special expertise. If moderate sedation is used, it is essential to have a nurse or other qualified clinical staff—in addition to the person performing the abortion—available to monitor the patient, as is the case for any other medical procedure. Deep sedation and general anesthesia require the expertise of an anesthesiologist or certified registered nurse anesthetist to ensure patient safety.
6. What safeguards are necessary to manage medical emergencies arising from abortion interventions?
The key safeguards—for abortions and all outpatient procedures—are whether the facility has the appropriate equipment, personnel, and emergency transfer plan to address any complications that might occur. No special equipment or emergency arrangements are required for medication abortions; however, clinics should provide a 24-hour clinician-staffed telephone line and have a plan to provide emergency care to patients after hours. If moderate sedation is used during an aspiration abortion, the facility should have emergency resuscitation equipment and an emergency transfer plan, as well as equipment to monitor oxygen saturation, heart rate, and blood pressure. D&Es that involve deep sedation or general anesthesia should be provided in similarly equipped facilities that also have equipment to monitor ventilation.
The committee found no evidence indicating that clinicians that perform abortions require hospital privileges to ensure a safe outcome for the patient. Providers should, however, be able to provide or arrange for patient access or transfer to medical facilities equipped to provide blood transfusions, surgical intervention, and resuscitation, if necessary.
7. What is the evidence on the safe provision of pain management for abortion care?
Nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drugs (NSAIDs) are recommended to reduce the discomfort of pain and cramping during a medication abortion. Some women still report high levels of pain, and researchers are exploring new ways to provide prophylactic pain management for medication abortion. The pharmaceutical options for pain management during aspiration, D&E, and induction abortions range from local anesthesia, to minimal sedation/anxiolysis, to moderate sedation/analgesia, to deep sedation/
analgesia, to general anesthesia. Along this continuum, the physiological effects of sedation have increasing clinical implications and, depending on the depth of sedation, may require special equipment and personnel to ensure the patient’s safety. The greatest risk of using sedative agents is respiratory depression. The vast majority of abortion patients are healthy and medically eligible for all levels of sedation in office-based settings. As noted above (see Questions 4 and 6), if sedation is used, the facility should be appropriately equipped and staffed.
8. What are the research gaps associated with the provision of safe, high-quality care from pre- to postabortion?
The committee’s overarching task was to assess the safety and quality of abortion care in the United States. As noted in the introduction to this chapter, the committee decided that its findings and conclusions fully respond to this charge. The committee concludes that legal abortions are safe and effective. Safety and quality are optimized when the abortion is performed as early in pregnancy as possible. Quality requires that care be respectful of individual patient preferences, needs, and values so that patient values guide all clinical decisions.
The committee did not identify gaps in research that raise concerns about these conclusions and does not offer recommendations for specific actions to be taken by policy makers, health care providers, and others.
The following are the committee’s observations about questions that merit further investigation.
Limitation of Mifepristone distribution As noted above, mifepristone, sold under the brand name Mifeprex, is the only medication approved by the FDA for use in medication abortion. Extensive clinical research has demonstrated its safety and effectiveness using the FDA-recommended regimen. Furthermore, few women have contraindications to medication abortion. Nevertheless, as noted earlier, the FDA REMS restricts the distribution of mifepristone. Research is needed on how the limited distribution of mifepristone under the REMS process impacts dimensions of quality, including timeliness, patient-centeredness, and equity. In addition, little is known about pharmacist and patient perspectives on pharmacy dispensing of mifepristone and the potential for direct-to-patient models through telemedicine.
Pain management There is insufficient evidence to identify the optimal approach to minimizing the pain women experience during an aspiration procedure without sedation. Paracervical blocks are effective in decreasing procedural pain, but the administration of the block itself is painful, and
even with the block, women report experiencing moderate to significant pain. More research is needed to learn how best to reduce the pain women experience during abortion procedures.
Research on prophylactic pain management for women undergoing medication abortions is also needed. Although NSAIDs reduce the pain of cramping, women still report high levels of pain.
Availability of providers APCs can provide medication and aspiration abortions safely and effectively, but the committee did not find research assessing whether APCs can also be trained to perform D&Es.
Addressing the needs of women of lower income Women who have abortions are disproportionately poor and at risk for interpersonal and other types of violence. Yet little is known about the extent to which they receive needed social and psychological supports when seeking abortion care or how best to meet those needs. More research is needed to assess the need for support services and to define best clinical practice for providing those services.
Abortion is a legal medical procedure that has been provided to millions of American women. Since the Institute of Medicine first reviewed the health implications of national legalized abortion in 1975, there has been a plethora of related scientific research, including well-designed randomized clinical trials, systematic reviews, and epidemiological studies examining abortion care. This research has focused on examining the relative safety of abortion methods and the appropriateness of methods for different clinical circumstances. With this growing body of research, earlier abortion methods have been refined, discontinued, and new approaches have been developed.
The Safety and Quality of Abortion Care in the United States offers a comprehensive review of the current state of the science related to the provision of safe, high-quality abortion services in the United States. This report considers 8 research questions and presents conclusions, including gaps in research.
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How Kamala Harris Will Try to Put Trump on Defense
Democrats are eager for her to deploy lines of attack that come more naturally than they did for President Biden, including on issues like abortion rights and the rule of law.
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By Nicholas Nehamas and Katie Glueck
Nicholas Nehamas reported from Washington, and Katie Glueck from New York.
From the beginning of President Biden’s ill-fated re-election bid, Democrats struggled to frame the race as a choice between two radically different visions, rather than a referendum on Mr. Biden’s age and abilities.
But now that he has dropped out and Vice President Kamala Harris is cruising toward the Democratic nomination , her party sees fresh opportunities to turn the public’s attention back to the vulnerabilities of former President Donald J. Trump on key issues for voters, including abortion rights, fundamental democratic principles and questions of economic fairness.
Democrats hope that Ms. Harris — a history-making former prosecutor who is nearly two decades younger than Mr. Trump — can draw a sharp new set of contrasts and tap into arguments that were out of reach for Mr. Biden, 81, starting with the issue of age but extending into matters of policy and personality.
That is especially clear on abortion rights. Mr. Biden, a practicing Catholic, has long been uncomfortable discussing the issue, or even saying the word “abortion.” Ms. Harris, by contrast, speaks easily and openly about reproductive health and has held campaign events alongside women sharing their stories of miscarriages, abortions and challenges with fertility.
Republicans, for their part, plan to argue that Ms. Harris still owns the unpopular parts of Mr. Biden’s record, saying that she is also weak on issues like inflation and immigration. Polling has shown Mr. Trump with significant advantages on many of the most important issues for voters, other than abortion rights.
But in interviews, Democrats were eager to make the race about character and experience, noting Ms. Harris’s law enforcement background and Mr. Trump’s litany of legal problems.
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IMAGES
COMMENTS
Introduction to Abortion Essay. 1. Understanding the Topic: Abortion. Abortion is a highly debated and sensitive topic that revolves around the termination of a pregnancy before the fetus can survive outside the womb. It raises complex moral, ethical, and legal questions. In an abortion essay, students delve into these various aspects and ...
Paragraph 1: The Right to Bodily Autonomy. One of the main arguments in favor of abortion is the right to bodily autonomy. Every person has the right to make decisions about their own body, and this includes the right to make decisions about their reproductive health. Denying women the right to access abortion services is a violation of their ...
As the long-running debate over abortion reaches another key moment at the Supreme Court and in state legislatures across the country, a majority of U.S. adults continue to say that abortion should be legal in all or most cases.About six-in-ten Americans (61%) say abortion should be legal in "all" or "most" cases, while 37% think abortion should be illegal in all or most cases.
The wider gap has been largely driven by Democrats: Today, 84% of Democrats say abortion should be legal in all or most cases, up from 72% in 2016 and 63% in 2007. Republicans' views have shown far less change over time: Currently, 38% of Republicans say abortion should be legal in all or most cases, nearly identical to the 39% who said this ...
Legal abortion promotes a culture in which life is disposable. Increased access to birth control, health insurance, and sexual education would make abortion unnecessary. This article was published on June 24, 2022, at Britannica's ProCon.org, a nonpartisan issue-information source. Some argue that believe abortion is a safe medical procedure ...
Abortion is extremely common. In America, for example, one in three women will have an abortion in their lifetime, yet the strong emotions sparked by the topic -- and the highly politicized rhetoric around it -- leave little room for thoughtful, open debate. In this personal, thoughtful talk, Aspen Baker makes the case for being neither "pro-life" nor "pro-choice" but rather "pro-voice ...
Social and moral considerations on abortion. Relatively few Americans view the morality of abortion in stark terms: Overall, just 7% of all U.S. adults say abortion is morally acceptable in all cases, and 13% say it is morally wrong in all cases. A third say that abortion is morally wrong in most cases, while about a quarter (24%) say it is ...
Ms. Harris supports legislation that would protect the right to abortion nationally, as Roe v. Wade did before it was overturned in 2022, in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization.
Today the U.S. Supreme Court is hearing arguments in a Mississippi case that could challenge Roe v. Wade, the case that set the precedent allowing women to terminate a pregnancy in the first two ...
Introduction A. Attention Getter : "We are not going back. We are not returning back to the days of back-room abortions, when countless women died or were maimed. The decision about abortion must remain a decision for the woman, her family and a physician to make, not the government," expressed Senator Bernie Sanders. B.
The platform even omits standing against taxpayer funding for abortion, offering only a mention of opposing "late-term abortion" — a category often understood as excluding the roughly 99 ...
Here are some facts about abortion that will help you formulate better arguments. According to the Guttmacher Institute, 1 in 4 pregnancies end in abortion. The majority of abortions are performed in the first trimester. Abortion is one of the safest medical procedures, with less than a 0.5% risk of major complications.
Background Reading: It's important to begin your research learning something about your subject; in fact, you won't be able to create a focused, manageable thesis unless you already know something about your topic. This step is important so that you will: Begin building your core knowledge about your topic. Be able to put your topic in context.
Thus abortion, many people feel, is sometimes needed for practical reasons—it is needed to bring about a better state of affairs (economically, professionally, emotionally) for pregnant women. Denying them the option of abortion is cruel. Or so the thinking goes. We should never dismiss or downplay the challenges that pregnant women confront.
Vice President Kamala Harris gave her first speech as the de facto Democratic nominee to a deafening crowd, keeping up her offensive against Donald Trump.
Argumentative Essay. By: Jazatte Dalisay February 2, 2015. Jazatte Dalisay is a ninth-grade student at the Manhattan Center for Science and Mathematics. This essay was composed in a class tutored by James Traub, a long-time PEN Member and coordinator of PEN's Writers in the Schools program. Women's rights have greatly evolved throughout the ...
Make reproductive care, particularly abortion pills, harder to get: It doesn't specifically call for a national abortion ban, but abortion is one of the most-discussed topics in the plan, with ...
Abstract. We live in a society marked by moral conflict. This conflict has deep historical roots and is reflected in our institutions, practices, laws, norms, and values. The abortion debate taps strongly held, powerfully experienced moral and political imperatives. These imperatives, in turn, are linked internally to a cluster of complex ...
Abortion discusses one's interaction where ethics, emotions, medical, and law come into place. According to the Webster Dictionary abortion is the loss of the fetus or unborn child before it can live outside the womb. The killing a human life is a contradiction to the norms of society, from a biblical point of view.
Related. 5 takeaways from Trump's RNC speech. By Bill Barrow, Michelle L. Price, Associated Press. WATCH: Trump describes assassination attempt in detail as he accepts Republican nomination. By ...
Abortion Aborting a living human fetus is morally wrong because taking one's life away from them is "one of the greatest losses one can suffer" (Marquis, 1989, p. 4) and causing that person to suffer that great a loss is a morally wrong thing to do. There is a plethora of material on abortion -- both pro-choice and anti-abortion -- that focuses on how to best determine what is a human, or a ...
Four legal abortion methods—medication, 1 aspiration, dilation and evacuation (D&E), and induction—are used in the United States. Length of gestation—measured as the amount of time since the first day of the last _____ 1 The terms "medication abortion" and "medical abortion" are used interchangeably in the literature. This report ...
Abortion is a social policy issue that involves the intentional ending of a pregnancy and has been a subject of debate for many years. Opponents argue that a fetus is a human life with equal rights, while supporters believe that a fetus is not a person with rights. The sanctity of human life and the rights of the pregnant person are key aspects ...
Opposition to Abortion Rights Is at Center of J.D. Vance's Political Career. As he joins Donald J. Trump's presidential ticket, Mr. Vance is seeking to play down, and in some cases rewrite ...
Loved by our community. Abortion, as we all know, has been used many times on innocent undevelop babies. One main reason why women would do such is first, because they aren't prepared to be a mother, second, because their partner left them and they got nothing else to supply the baby's basic needs and last one, is because they assume that the ...
In 2016, he described Trump as either a "cynical asshole" or "America's Hitler" in a text message to a former law school classmate, and in an essay for the Atlantic magazine the same ...
Abortion is to deliberate termination of a humans pregnancy, Abortion is a crime! it is bad! because , even if it is not totally formed as a human it has lives. that given by our almighty GOD, and no one can get it back except on him. The greatest destroyer of piece today is ABORTION, because it is a war against the child,it is a direct killing ...
Anderson Not long into Trump's speech, the momentum slowed, and he started playing the hits, only it was the acoustic version. His whole performance felt unusually low energy and unfocused.
1162 Words. 5 Pages. Open Document. Teenage Women, Abortion and Law. Abortion has always been a very controversial issue. This can be due to the fact that people have different beliefs that are emphasized by their own religion and set of moral values. Many people believe that abortion is wrong, but they believe that is it only wrong under ...
That is especially clear on abortion rights. Mr. Biden, a practicing Catholic, has long been uncomfortable discussing the issue, or even saying the word "abortion." Ms. Harris, by contrast ...