kidnapping essay introduction

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Abduction of Children

Introduction, general overviews.

• Offense, Offender, and Victim Characteristics
• Familial Abduction
• Stranger Abduction
• Awareness and Prevention
• AMBER Alert and Other Official Responses
• Social Constructions

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Abduction of Children by J. Mitchell Miller , Stephanie M. Koskinen LAST REVIEWED: 11 October 2021 LAST MODIFIED: 25 September 2019 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199791231-0226

Few crime topics elicit as much fear and concern as child abduction, which is also commonly known as child kidnapping. Child abduction, or kidnapping, is a criminal offense that entails the wrongful taking of a minor by force or violence, manipulation or fraud, or persuasion. There are basically two types of child abduction; familial-parental and the much-exaggerated stranger abductor. Parental abductions are heavily contextualized in child custody and involve far less physical danger to child victims than stranger abductions, which include the majority of violence and sexual violence associated with more extreme abduction events. Despite the popular culture myth of “abduction waves” and pedophiles lurking in the shadows, child abduction is actually a rare phenomenon, as indicated by Shutt, et al. 2004 (cited under Social Constructions ), which likened abduction likelihood to the rarity of a lightning strike. Nonetheless, media hype and sensationalism have framed both popular culture and social-legal constructions of abduction frequency, risk, and offender and victim stereotypes, most notably stranger/pedophile abductors and abduction epidemics. The extant academic literature on child abduction can be observed as a three-pronged typology of 1) historical works, more so accounts of well-known US child kidnappings such as the Lindbergh baby, Adam Walsh, and, more recently, Elizabeth Smart, and international research on abduction for ransom, custody, vice work, and military servitude; 2) legal overviews and opinions, both domestically and internationally, with the latter especially focused on abduction legislation initiatives within Hague Conference; and 3) the focus of this article, empirical scientific works primarily appearing in refereed journal articles. The majority of this literature originates from the behavioral (psychology) and social sciences (criminology and criminal justice, sociology, and political science) and, to a lesser degree, from professional school orientations (social work, nursing, and public health). As a rare event and relatively myopic, though seriously consequential, phenomenon, there isn’t a discernable number of reference works, anthologies, or established published bibliographies informing the child abduction knowledge base. Fortunately, there is a sizeable body of empirical works on child abduction to characterize the nature of the offense, its perpetrator and victim participants, and responses by juvenile and criminal justice as well as other stakeholder agencies. While substantial research attention has addressed child abduction in Africa, Latin America, and parts of Europe, this coverage is based on American research over the last few decades. This empirical literature on child abduction is presented in annotated form as a thematic taxonomy comprised of the following: 1) General Overviews , 2) Offense, Offender, and Victim Characteristics , 3) Familial Abduction , 4) Stranger Abduction , 5) Awareness and Prevention , 6) AMBER Alert and Other Official Responses , and 7) Social Constructions .

Research on child abduction in Boudreaux, et al. 2000 and more recently Walsh, et al. 2016 provides general overviews of the phenomenon. Palmer and Noble 1984 places selective emphasis on incidence rates, motivations, abduction typologies, and historical perspectives, while Heide, et al. 2009 synthesizes the literature on sexually motivated events. These refereed journal articles collectively constitute an empirical overview of child abduction that is enriched by an Oxford University Press book, Fass 1997 , and a technical report, Finkelhor, et al. 1990 , which detail and contextualize the general nature of abduction events.

Boudreaux, M. C., W. D. Lord, and S. E. Etter. “Child Abduction: An Overview of Current and Historical Perspectives.” Child Maltreatment 5.1 (2000): 63–71.

This journal article provides a comprehensive review of empirical literature on child abduction extant at the turn of the 20th century. Major themes include incidence rates, dichotomous operational definition of child abduction (legal/social), victim and offender characteristics, and a motivational typology (maternal longing, sex, retribution, profit, and homicidal intent). Risk factors, victim selection, and evidence-based responses such as child safety training programs and improved investigative practices are also summarized.

Fass, P. S. Kidnapped: Child Abduction in America . New York: Oxford University Press, 1997.

This book presents a chronological unfolding of child abduction in the United States. Moving through famous kidnapping cases in American history, from the Ross case (“the crime of the century”) to the Vanderbilt custody abduction and the Lindbergh kidnapping, child abduction is characterized as a rare event exaggerated by the press. Fass presents narrative insight into family life, parenting, and media coverage.

Finkelhor, D., A. Sedlak, and G. T. Hotaling. Missing, Abducted, Runaway, and Thrownaway Children in America: First Report, Numbers and Characteristics National Incidence Studies: Executive Summary. Darby, PA: Diane, 1990.

This report provides a typology of missing and abducted children based on FBI case data. The authors present national estimates in nonfamily and family abduction categories including missing children data on cases where the children have run away or have otherwise gone missing without implication of any crime. The authors urge special attention to and policy focus on high-risk children, who are most likely to be victimized or become perpetrators of crime.

Heide, K. M., E. Beauregard, and W. C. Myers. “Sexually Motivated Child Abduction Murders: Synthesis of the Literature and Case Illustration.” Victims and Offenders 4.1 (2009): 58–75.

This analysis of sexual murders that involve children focuses on offenders who abduct their victims. Offender characteristics are studied, touching on trauma at birth, behavioral issues in childhood, and emotional and physical abuse. The authors suggest that a delay or cessation in personality development may be the root cause for offenders’ actions.

Palmer, C. E., and D. N. Noble. “Child Snatching: Motivations, Mechanisms, and Melodrama.” Journal of Family Issues 5.1 (1984): 27–46.

This article features data from a variety of offender and criminal justice professional interviews. The authors dichotomize motivations for “child snatching” between concern for the child and satisfaction of personal needs. Common factors among child abduction cases are analyzed, such as motivations, planning, hostility, trauma, familial involvement, and agency involvement. The authors recommend extended study of child snatchers and increased involvement by law enforcement.

Walsh, J. A., J. L. Krienert, and C. L. Comens. “Examining 19 Years of Officially Reported Child Abduction Incidents (1995–2013): Employing a Four Category Typology of Abduction.” Criminal Justice Studies 29.1 (2016): 21–39.

This journal article uses NIBRS data to identify child abduction characteristics. Findings suggest that media sensationalism is the cause of misconceptions and an overemphasis on stranger abduction, which are rare in comparison to acquaintance or family abductions.

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An Exploratory Study on Kidnapping as an Emerging Crime in Nigeria

• First Online: 27 August 2021

Cite this chapter

• Alaba M. Oludare 3 ,
• Ifeoma E. Okoye 4 &
• Lucy K. Tsado 5  

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• The original version of this chapter was revised. The correction to this chapter can be found at https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71024-8_18

This chapter traces the history of kidnapping as a precursor to the recent spike in violent crimes in Nigeria. The crime of kidnapping is not a new crime in human history. Many nations have experienced and dealt with this crime before the recent spike in Nigeria. The purpose of this chapter is to study the crime of kidnapping in Nigeria and other countries and to examine the responses and lessons learned that may be adopted for reducing kidnapping in Nigeria. Using the rational choice and strain theories as the criminological framework for understanding kidnapping in present-day Nigeria, the chapter explores the psychological aspects of the crime. This chapter also presents statistics from SBM Intel, a research and communications consulting firm that collects and analyses data to influence change in Africa. The chapter further sheds light into how Nigeria has been dealing with the crime of kidnapping and concludes with policy implications and recommendations.

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04 november 2021.

The original chapter was inadvertently published with incorrect affiliation of one of the authors ‘Ifeoma E. Okoye’. The affiliation has been corrected in the chapter as below:

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Oludare, A.M., Okoye, I.E., Tsado, L.K. (2021). An Exploratory Study on Kidnapping as an Emerging Crime in Nigeria. In: Chan, H.C.(., Adjorlolo, S. (eds) Crime, Mental Health and the Criminal Justice System in Africa. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71024-8_5

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KIDNAPPING: A SECURITY CHALLENGE IN NIGERIA

2018, Kingsley Emeka Ezemenaka

This article presents a relatively new dimension of kidnapping, known as ritual kidnapping, which has been battling security and polity in Nigeria. The concepts of ritual and ransom kidnapping are explored and analysed within this text through the adoption of a theoretical framework on security with qualitative methods to explain the causes of kidnapping and ritual kidnapping, an overview of security in Nigeria, and a discussion surrounding the challenges regarding implementation of security within Nigeria. Drawing from results acquired during this study, it can be argued that while the concept of security is yet to be agreed on internationally to suit the needs of different states, Nigeria should adopt a hybrid security in addressing issues such as ritual kidnapping and other crimes in the country.

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The concept of kidnapping and the worrisome challenges, effects and eventual consequences it portends to any growing economy like Nigeria and the world over has been a subject matter of serious concern to both policy makers, government, political leaders as well as all stakeholders interested in the socioeconomic advancement of any given nation. Most literature attributes its pervasiveness to unemployment, poverty, illiteracy and other problems besetting mankind. On this premise, we formed the basis for this study. Extant literature were consulted and overhauled all aimed at getting to a concise critique of this social scourge/malady. The researchers explored the subject matter as it concerns Nigeria where kidnapping has dramatically become an unavoidable source of livelihood/organized business to a lot of people particularly the teeming youth. The paper traced the root of kidnapping in Nigeria to the clamor for oil resource control by the aborigines of the oil producing Niger Delta region who resorted to hostage taking, hijacking and kidnapping of oil workers to challenge government's hegemonic control over oil resources. Robert K. Merton's Strain Theory was employed as a theoretical framework to interrogate how contradictions within Nigeria's social structure and cultural values create deviance. At the end, various recommendations were advanced to aid policy makers, the government and concerned institutions on possible ways of bringing this social problem to its minimal level, one of which is that government at all levels should formulate and effectively implement policies and strategies aimed at addressing the root causes of kidnapping such as poverty, unemployment, environmental degradation and political and economic marginalization.

Samuel Oyewole

This study interrogates the threat of kidnapping for ritual in Nigeria, a subject that has not received sufficient academic attention, and its socio-political and economic underpinnings have largely been overlooked in state responses. Relying on available public data, this article examines the phenomenon and its motivations and implications for security, and the efficacy of state responses, and possible ways forward.

IOSR Journals

This paper examined human life versus the culture of death: kidnapping, Boko Haram and Fulani Herdsmen and their activities in Nigeria. The negative effect of kidnapping and other associated vices is becoming unbearable not onlyto Nigerians but to the international community. This has led to a high level of fearwhich threatens the economic prosperity, political climate, business and general climate of the country. The study examined concepts of kidnapping, Boko Haram and Fulani herdsmen, their activities and incidents of attacks. The overall implication of the culture of death caused by the nefarious activities has led to a worsened market structure leading to loss of jobs, displacement of workers and loss of value for human lives. Recommendations were made on how this incidence of death could be tackled to improve the economic condition of the country and as well as value human lives. Some of the recommendations are that there should be an application of appropriate sanctions on every perpetrator of these evil acts, there should be fair and equal distribution of resources, there should be diversification of economy for creation of employment opportunities and that the youth should be equipped with appropriate skills and training for entrepreneurial development.

Abdulkabir olaiya Suleiman

Nigeria was globally declared as one of the horrible country to subsist in the world because of the widespread of corruption, injustice, violence and lack of security that exposed many innocent lives to end up in the hitch of kidnappers. This manuscript discovers that the rate of kidnapping in Nigeria was geometrically increased such that more than 2000 innocent people including Chibok girls, politicians, government officials, influential people and kings were reported to have been kidnapped between 2014 and 2017. While some of these victims were rescued after paying huge amount of money as ransom, some of them were able to escape after being tortured or raped and others were incarcerated to die of mysterious hunger. This research put forward that, kidnapping is the abduction or holding people hostage either to take ransom from the victim's family or as a sacrifice for ritual money or as an extenuative appeasement to win political appointment. As a result of perpetual injustice and corruption in Nigeria, kidnapping has now become the most lucrative business that can transform penniless to become rich in a blink of an eye. This paper concludes that the blight of kidnapping in Nigeria continue to aggravate due to the gravity of corruption and unemployment that rendered many skillful graduate to become jobless which drive them to desperately looking for a way to survive. The major objective of this study is to analyze the causes and the consequence of kidnapping in order to provide possible solution with scholastic scrutiny.

Ubong E Abraham

Abstract The main thrust of this study was to investigate the problem of kidnapping and its consequences on Nigerians in general and Uyo dwellers in particular. To achieve this objective, the study elicited data through questionnaire from 260 randomly selected respondents comprising of policemen/women from various departments at the state police headquarters, Ikot Akpan Abia, Uyo, in Akwa Ibom State, lawyers from the state judiciary headquarters as well as clergymen and members of the public in the aforementioned study area. Chi-square analytical tool was used to analyze elicited data at 0.05 level of significance. The result from the test of hypothesis one shows that there is a significant relationship between the recurring rates of kidnapping and the people’s culture. Test of hypothesis two shows that there is no correlation between kidnapping and the disposition of government. Test of hypothesis three shows that kidnapping is significantly dependent on the provisions of the Nigerian constitution; while result from hypothesis four shows that there is no significant relationship between kidnapping and political activities. Findings from the study shows that, the prevalence of kidnapping in Nigeria is as a result of laxity in the law implementation process to prosecute offenders. Consequent upon this findings it is suggested that the issue of ransom payment by victim’s families/relatives to kidnappers should be seriously condemned. Government also should endeavour to create employment for the teaming population of youths as this will assist to check the proliferation of the kidnapping. Keywords: Kidnapping, social problem, socio-economic development, Uyo metropolis

Nnadi E Ejiofor

Highlight:Cost of construction activities is increasing geometrically in Nigeria. This increase affects her economic growth as it deters the effective contribution of construction industry to the GDP of the country. Security situation in the country has prevented efficient operations within the industry. It results to high overhead cost and total cost increase. Moreso, out of the six geopolitical zones of the country, some are noticeably a security threat region, while construction activities are unhindered and less costly in other regions of the country. This necessitated the research work which thus revealed that security situations in different part of the country have a huge influence over the cost of construction works. Abstract: Issues on security challenges and safety are matters of grave concerns in Nigeria today. Presently, life has always been precarious in the country and the impact of this massive sense of insecurity on the human living especially in the construction industry cannot be overemphasized. The paper examines in a thematic form, the importance of security to the nation " s economic growth, overview of Nigeria construction industry and notable security crisis facing some geopolitical zones in Nigeria. The study identifies the effect of security challenges on the overall project cost in the four geopolitical zones in Nigeria using questionnaires, structural interview and case study as the research methods which were analyzed using descriptive method. Investigationconfirmed security porosity as a threat on the economic development of the affected areas and revealed effect of poor security on construction works.

Journal ijmr.net.in(UGC Approved)

The mass exodus of business men and women, cum traders, from the South Eastern part of Nigeria to other parts of the country and other parts of the world, in recent time, has become so worrisome. A people generally reputed for businesses (trading activities), have suddenly found their fortunes dwindling as a result of terror attacks on their persons and their businesses. Volume of trade is ultimately lowered. The nature of terrorism that takes place in this part of the country is kidnapping. It is not an overstatement that lives and businesses have been lost to kidnapping incidences in the recent past in South Eastern states of Nigeria. These states comprise Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo, Abia and Anambra. This study was therefore an attempt to ascertain how terrorism affects business development in South East Nigeria. Major area of focus of this study was to determine extent of relationship that exists between kidnapping and volume of trade in South East Nigeria. Extensively, literature was reviewed on the subject matter. The expo facto design research method was adopted. Correlation coefficient and regression analyses were employed to determine the type of relationship that exists between the two major variables: kidnapping and volume of trade. It

The Study is on the Social Contract existing between the people of Nigeria and it leader, in the person of President Muhammadu Buhari, which was entered into with effect from 2015, when he was elected the President of Nigeria. The objective of the study is to assess the extent to which President Muhammadu Buhari has fulfilled the promised he made to Nigerians in the area of fighting insecurity and corruption together with the revamping of the Nigeria's battered inherited economy. The objective was achieved through the analysis of secondary sources of data and other documentary evidences. Based on these, the study discovered that President Muhammadu Buhari inherited an almost failed state in all ramifications, to the extent to which he had to immediately and severely fight corruption and insurgency. The study then concluded that the President is succeeding in the fight against insurgency and corruption together with the revamping of the Nigerian economy. The study therefore recommended that the President and the government should intensify their fight against corruption and the other form of insecurity like kidnappings, farmers and herders clashes, banditry and cattle rustling.

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Child Kidnapping in America

Jaycee Dugard was found in August, 2009 18 years after her abduction. While most child abductions by strangers do not end so well, historian Paula Fass points out that stranger abductions comprise only a small percentage of child kidnapping cases even though they receive the lion's share of media attention. Fear over stranger abductions has grown in the United States since the 19th century, and often results more from general fears about society than the actual safety of individual children.

It was a strange and haunting coincidence. Jaycee Dugard was rescued from the husband and wife who kidnapped her 18 years ago in California at virtually the same moment Elizabeth Smart confronted her kidnapper in a Utah courtroom. Once again, the nation was riveted by the phenomenon of child kidnapping. As historian Paula Fass describes, child abduction, and our reactions to it, have a long history in the United States. This month she puts kidnapping in historical perspective.

Readers may also be interested in these recent Origins articles, The Real Marriage Revolution and The Politics of International Adoption .

Across the United States this autumn, Americans watched intently the unfolding of two highly publicized cases of child abduction.

The kidnappers of Elizabeth Smart were at last brought to trial for their crimes after years of being declared mentally unfit. Fourteen years old at the time, Elizabeth had been taken from her bedroom in June 2002 and found nine months later held captive by a Utah couple; the husband styling himself a prophet of God.

More astonishingly, Jaycee Lee Dugard returned after eighteen years of captivity at the hands of a northern California couple who had abducted her as an 11 year old. Jaycee had two children during her confinement, and the case included many strange features that resulted from the fact that she had lived for so long with the man who had abducted and raped her and kept her as his daughter.

Over the past one hundred and forty years, Americans have experienced regular periods of intense public anxiety about child abduction. These episodes of alarm often have as much to do with how Americans perceive or characterize child abduction as with the actual number of such crimes. These perceptions influence what the public imagines is most dangerous to children in the society.

Although most citizens today are rarely aware of it, their own fears and responses to child kidnapping have been shaped over the years by a series of historical developments: especially the growth of modern media, changes in family patterns and expectations for parents, and structures of policing and law. When parents today express horror (and fascination) about the terrible ordeal of Jaycee Dugard, they are following a tradition that began in 1874.

When Charles Brewster Ross (known as Charley) was kidnapped on July 1, 1874, he was certainly not the first child to be kidnapped in the United States. But, unlike the others who preceded him, his parents were able to turn Charley's abduction into a national cause and to bring their plight and their son's story to national attention.

They did so because they were well connected politically, well-off economically, and because Charley's father's (Christian Ross), initially refused to pay the (then) enormous ransom demand of $20,000 (only in part because he did not have the money). This refusal brought him a torrent of negative commentary and helped to define for the future what Americans expected of parents caught in such terrible situations.

Christian Ross responded by writing a book in which he explained himself and described his personal anguish at the loss of his son and the toll it took on his family. The resulting publicity about the father's role and his obligations to his son helped to carry the story of the "lost boy" far and wide (and well beyond the United States) and made Charley Ross famous.

The publicity made his retrieval into a national obsession. To this day, Charley's fate remains unknown despite decades of efforts and the tantalizing revelations of one burglar moments before his death that he had been involved in the kidnapping and knew the boy's whereabouts.

All the attention on Charley's disappearance also raised a completely new awareness about the crime of child abduction and the inadequacy of laws to cope with it, and put a spotlight on the need for new forms of child protection.

The public revulsion/fascination at the threat to children's safety that characterized the Charley Ross case has been stoked and revitalized every time news of a new child abduction takes place.

Not all kidnappings are alike today, and very few children return after a long absence like Jaycee Dugard; nor were kidnappings all alike in the past. But certain patterns connect abductions over time.

Child kidnappings fall into three general types: 1) abductions by parents or family members; 2) stranger abductions by men for monetary ransom or physical exploitation and abuse; 3) children abducted by women who intend to keep and raise them as their own.

While the first kind is far and away the most common, it is the second kind of abduction—and the fear it generates—that have been most responsible for public hysteria, new public policies, and changes in parental approaches to childrearing.

Parental Abductions

By far, the most frequent form of kidnapping is abduction by a parent or family member. Today, over one quarter of a million such cases are reported annually to the authorities. Many of these are minor episodes—often misunderstandings or disagreements over custody, and they are short term.

But some parental abductions can last many years and cause enduring harm to the child (or children) and to the parents from whose care a child has been illegally removed. The most difficult cases of this kind concern children who are taken from the United States to foreign countries, where American laws, and even international agreements, are ineffective or difficult to enforce.

The number of parental abductions has grown enormously over the last thirty-five years as divorce and disputes over custody have increased in the United States and as the ease of transportation has made it possible to take children to distant places. Yet, abductions of this kind were already well known earlier in the twentieth century and even in the late nineteenth century.

In one such instance, in 1879, Henry and Belthiede Coolidge were found quarreling about their daughter on a street in Manhattan. Each parent held one arm of the child and was pulling her in opposite directions. This was the most public display of a quarrel that had been unfolding over time as each parent had previously abducted the girl from the other. The Coolidges were waiting for the final disposition of their divorce case in the courts; each hoped to be in possession of the child at that time and each accused the other of posing potential harms to the child's well being.

These accusations and actions would become well known to Americans by the end of the twentieth century as parental kidnappings (which often involve the help of other family members) have become a familiar feature of popular literature, television dramas, and abduction news and information.

Twenty years ago many of these abducted children appeared on Advo (advertising) cards delivered to millions of homes across the country, and on milk cartons. Today, they are featured on highway Amber Alerts.

Stranger Abduction

Despite the prevalence of this familial form of child abduction, what Americans fear most are "stranger abductions," by which they usually mean children abducted by male strangers.

Although this is what most Americans think of when they hear about kidnapping, it is a far less common form of child loss both today and historically. The subject has been so widely misrepresented and misunderstood that it is important first to focus on the real dimensions of the crime: to understand how it has come to represent "a parent's worst nightmare" and why the alarm is so disproportionate to the actual prevalence of the crime.

Today, children abducted by strangers represent a very small fraction of abductions—successful abductions affect between 100 and 150 children every year. This is hardly a trivial matter to those directly involved, but the perceived threat to children is far greater than the number of children affected. To understand this requires that we return to that first widely publicized stranger abduction in 1874.

The case of Charley Ross demonstrated the public's rising expectations about parental responsibilities for maintaining the safety of their children. It also exposed the very real limits of police actions in cases of this kind. This intersection between private and public responsibilities for children's welfare set the boundaries and context for kidnappings ever since.

The case also showed the growing dependence of parents of victims on the media to broadcast their loss in hopes of having the child located and returned. The Ross family was the first to widely distribute very large numbers of missing child posters (now familiar to Americans). Some of these were distributed by the circus impresario P. T. Barnum.

The Rosses were also able to use the Western Union Telegraph Company to follow leads from many places that came in as the public reported sightings of Charley (now recognized from posters as well as widely disseminated newspaper stories) in various parts of the country. Within short order, Charley Ross's name, identity, and story became deeply part of the public's imagination and inscribed in the popular culture of the time.

Christian Ross, like many parents of victims today, devoted the remainder of his life to finding his son and other missing children. The Charley Ross case was also used everywhere to change laws and increase penalties for child abduction.

The case anticipated and set the pattern for later experiences of child abductions as children's parents turned to all means to try to retrieve their children. In the process, the public became aware of and alarmed by the potential harm to their children.

Today, parents of kidnap victims remain dependent on publicity along with police cooperation. They and the public continue to seek new and more effective laws to protect children. At the same time, the frantic search for remedies, and the wide media fascination for these cases, has helped to inflame the public's sense of the dangers to children. Parents feel an acute sense of their own helplessness to deal with the crime that has come to represent one of the central anxieties of modern parenting.

An excellent illustration of these dilemmas is the hysteria that resulted in 1932 when the young son of American aviator Charles Lindbergh was kidnapped from his home in New Jersey.

Despite the active intervention of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (newly refashioned in response to the crime), which spearheaded the international hunt for the child, the full-time attention of the New Jersey state police, as well as private efforts by Lindbergh, no one was able successfully to locate Charles Augustus Lindbergh, Jr. alive. His body was subsequently found not far from the Lindbergh home. It took years before the police tracked down his kidnapper.

Lindbergh was beloved as a national hero after his solo flight across the Atlantic in 1927. As an international celebrity, he was seen in larger than life terms, but despite his fame and renown he was able neither to protect his son from kidnappers nor to retrieve him alive, even after he paid the $50,000 ransom.

That case confirmed the difficulties that parents seemed to face and, like the Charley Ross affair before it, the Lindbergh case led to reinvigorated attempts to change laws and institutions in response. In this instance, the federal government enacted the first national kidnap statute (the Lindbergh Law) quickly after the abduction. That law was meant to punish perpetrators to the maximum degree by declaring such crimes to be capital offenses, and its violators subject to the death penalty.

When child abduction once again came to national attention as a painful and threatening problem in the late 1970s and 1980s, it came with a similar sense of the inadequacy of law and law enforcement, the helpless grief of parents, and the public's fascination with the crime. It could also draw on the ubiquitous presence of television news in American homes.

And it came with a new and horrifying twist. Fears of sexual abuse and sadistic impulses—not ransom demands—now came to define the nature of the crime and the terror that parents experienced in contemplating the harms threatening their children.

The sexual abuse of child kidnap victims had always lurked as a possibility. This was the case, for example, when Bobby Franks' body was discovered in 1924 and Nathan Leopold, Jr. and Richard Loeb were accused of disfiguring him with acid. But Americans had usually understood this possibility as a danger that was secondary to the ransom that motivated these crimes in the first place.

By the 1950s, however, Americans began to change how they perceived the motives for child abduction. Ransom as a motive for kidnapping receded as sexual abuse and rape became more public and familiar themes in society.

The threat of abduction became even more powerful. It was now a crime to be feared by the vast majority of parents, not just those who were likely to be targeted because of their wealth. Once sexual violation or other sadistic practices, which likely led to the victims' deaths, were seen as motives for child disappearance, all parents became vulnerable because all children could be victims of such crimes.

This is exactly what happened in the late 1970s and 1980s when Americans experienced a great panic in regard to child kidnapping. Fears about the sexual abuse of children—both real and perceived—grew sharply in the turbulent context of the more liberated sexual behaviors following the 1960s, the widespread employment outside the home of married women with children during the 1970s, and the greater openness and discussion of homosexuality at the time.

By the 1980s, as a result of the publicity surrounding a series of kidnappings of young boys—Adam Walsh, Etan Patz, Kevin White, and Jacob Wetterling; children who lived in all parts of the country and in communities large and small—Americans began to register intense fears about child abductions as sexual crimes.

During this period, parents of victims created foundations to commemorate the victims and to assist in finding other children and brought the subject to the attention of national authorities, including congressional panels. They helped to stimulate the passage of laws that authorized new FBI oversight and provided funding for a new agency, the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children .

The subject also became central and dominant in public discussions about policing and public responsibilities, as well as in private conversations among parents, in schools, and in community forums.

In order to bring maximum attention to the subject, individuals and victims' organizations often publicized the prevalence of the crime by combining numbers for all missing children, including those taken by parents and those who had run away. At various points in the 1980s, Americans were led to believe that as many as a million children a year were missing and presumed to be the subjects of stranger abductions.

These statistics increased the sense of urgency and inflamed the dread of parents, children, and others concerned with child safety. By the 1990s, careful analysis by the Justice Department distinguished among these dangers to children, emphasizing the much smaller number of stranger abductions.

By then, however, child abduction had become a fixture of popular culture as posters, Advo cards, billboards, movies, books and magazine articles, television programs, and various other forms of media attention had made child abduction and fears about "Stranger Danger" into a national obsession. The ordeal of Elizabeth Smart, for example, quickly became a book, a made-for-TV movie, and fodder for multiple magazine covers.

The fears rapidly altered child rearing patterns. By the 1990s, parents began to register their distrust of institutions that had developed to supplement the parental supervision of children—such as teachers at child care centers, baby sitters, sports coaches, Boy Scout leaders, and even Santa Claus—as the panic about child sexual abuse spread. Increasingly, whenever they could do so, parents kept their children under tight supervision, walking or driving them to school, and restricting a once more casual attitude toward informal play.

Kidnapping was the most extreme of the many dangers that parents feared. As the sexual abuse of children seemed to have become rampant, or at least as its social existence became more generally acknowledged, child kidnapping became a symbolic expression of these concerns and a growing distrust of strangers.

States and communities throughout the country instituted new laws in response. Named after seven-year-old Megan Kanka, raped and killed by a neighbor who lured her into his house to play with his puppy, Megan's Laws became part of the repertoire of police departments and community vigilance. These laws required sexual offenders to be listed on registries available to everyone in the community.

Other new laws targeted "pedophiles" (adults sexually interested in children) who were now assumed (rightly or wrongly) to be responsible for almost all stranger kidnappings. These included limits on where those convicted of sexual offenses against children could live, the institution of longer prison sentences, supervision with electronic devices, and institutionalization even after prison terms had been fully served. All of these were responses to the perception and evidence that pedophiles could not be reformed or cured.

When Jaycee Lee Dugard was found to be living quietly in a makeshift structure in the backyard of her abductors' house in Antioch, California in late August 2009, part of the public's outrage resulted from the fact that Phillip Garrido was a registered sex offender on federal parole.

Despite the many regulations and required registrations now in place, and the fact that he had lived in this house for years, Garrido's crime had gone undetected by any of the many policing agencies who could have discovered Jaycee's presence. Jaycee's return exposed once again how insecure American children appeared to be even in the most rigorous and seemingly stringent legal environments that now defined the landscape.

Women and Kidnapping

Another surprising and worrisome feature of the Jaycee Dugard case was that Jaycee had been abducted, hidden, and apparently abused with the compliance or active participation of Nancy Garrido, Phillip's wife. The same had been true for Elizabeth Smart.

But Americans should not be surprised that women can participate in child kidnappings. Throughout the twentieth century, women have been caught stealing children (usually infants) they hoped to raise as their own. Childless themselves, they are often eager to please their husbands or boyfriends and lead them to believe that they had themselves given birth to the child.

Clearly, the Dugard kidnapping departed from this pattern, but it does point up how our expectations regarding the motives for and perpetrators of kidnapping can frequently be upended. Women can and do kidnap children. This third type of kidnapping is rare, but it has occurred with regularity throughout the century.

It also refutes the assumption that women would not abuse or harm children. Even instances in which children are kidnapped by their mothers demonstrate that women can participate in a crime that can harm both children and their parents.

Child Abduction in America, Past and Present

Child kidnapping is deeply implicated in modern life and the complex nature of American experience. It has become an important feature of our culture in the widespread attention that it receives and in the haunting fears that it has created among parents and children.

It has also painfully affected the victims of a wide variety of child disappearances, those committed for ransom, children taken by parents or family members, and those carried out by strangers whose motives are varied and unpredictable.

Kidnappings have taken place in many places and times throughout history, and they are part of fairy tales and folk legends. How we respond to them reflects our beliefs about the value of children, the responsibilities of parents, the nature of sexuality, gender, and law.

Americans today are not only the inheritors of traditions and practices surrounding kidnapping that go back to the disappearance of Charley Ross in 1874, but also of a wider human propensity to worry about our children's safety.

Over time, our perception of the crime in the United States has changed as we have re-imagined its motives and the harms done to victims. The crimes too have changed as those seeking publicity have altered their own criminal behavior.

Parental kidnappings in particular have increased by leaps and bounds over the twentieth century.

But what has grown most greatly and inexorably in the past century and a half is our alarm and anxiety that our children are more vulnerable than they once were and our sense that parents must somehow protect and defend them ever more vigilantly against the lurking threats of modern life.

More from the Author

For more on the history of child abduction and the history of children in America by Paula Fass, see Kidnapped: A History of Child Abduction in the United States , (Oxford University Press, 1997), Encyclopedia of Children and Childhood in History and Society , (Thomson/Gale, 2004) and Children of a New World: Society, Culture, Globalization , (New York University Press, 2006)

Origins suggests:

What to do if Your Child Goes Missing: The First 24 Hours by freepeoplesearch.org 

Best, Joel. Threatened Children: Rhetoric and Concern About Child Victims . Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990.

Fass, Paula S. Kidnapped: Child Abduction in America . New York: Oxford University Press, 1997.

Fisher, Jim. The Lindbergh Case . New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers University Press, 1987.

Greif, Geoffrey L., and Rebecca L. Hegar, When Parents Kidnap: The Families Behind the Headlines . New York: Free Press, 1993.

Hoffman, Jan. “Why Can’t She Walk to School: An Issue that Distills the Anxieties at the Heart of Modern Parenting.” New York Times , Sunday Styles, September 13, 2009, pp. 1, 14.

Jenkins, Philip. Moral Panic: Changing Concepts of the Child Molester in Modern America . New Haven, Ct.: Yale University Press, 1998).

Lanning, Kenneth V. Child Molesters: A Behavioral Analysis . Arlington, Va.: National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, in cooperation with the FBI, 1992.

Ross, Christian K. The Father’s Story of Charles Ross, the Kidnapped Child Containing a Full and Complete Account of the Abduction of Charles Brewster Ross From the Home of His Parents in Germantown, with the Pursuit of the Abductors and Their Tragic Death; the Various Incidents Connected with the Search for the Lost Boy: The Discovery of Other Lost Children, Etc. Etc. With Facsimiles of Letters from the Abductors . Philadelphia: John E. Potter, 1876.

A Kidnap, by Lydia Chepkirui

Lift the Lid is proud to announce the winner of the 4th Annual Writing Competition at Mogonjet Secondary School in Kericho, Kenya. Lydia Chepkirui was chosen from six finalists for her personal essay “A Kidnap.”

Read her chilling true-life story.

An award of $100 was given to Lydia, $50 to benefit her class and $50 to help with school fees. We admire her bravery for revisiting the most frightening time of her life to write about when she was kidnapped and how she managed to escape. Her story is important to share, particularly how she became abducted by people she knew and how she kept a level head despite fearing for her life.

Congratulations Lydia on your noble and well-written essay!

If You Like This Story, Please Share!

Related posts.

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*Urgent* Lenana Girls Need Science Equipment by June – Mar 2024

Congratulations, Lydia! You are a talented writer, and clearly you put time and effort into your work. (I still get chills when I think of your experience.)

I hope to see more of your writing in the future!

Congratulations, Lydia! Your creativity is now turning your wealth. Make maximum use of the opportunity at hand. Hope to see you represent us all…. God be with you.

She is so creative and I will want to join in

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How to Write an Essay Introduction (with Examples)   

The introduction of an essay plays a critical role in engaging the reader and providing contextual information about the topic. It sets the stage for the rest of the essay, establishes the tone and style, and motivates the reader to continue reading. 

Table of Contents

What is an essay introduction , what to include in an essay introduction, how to create an essay structure , step-by-step process for writing an essay introduction , how to write an introduction paragraph , how to write a hook for your essay , how to include background information , how to write a thesis statement .

• Argumentative Essay Introduction Example: 
• Expository Essay Introduction Example 

Literary Analysis Essay Introduction Example

Check and revise – checklist for essay introduction , key takeaways , frequently asked questions .

An introduction is the opening section of an essay, paper, or other written work. It introduces the topic and provides background information, context, and an overview of what the reader can expect from the rest of the work. 1 The key is to be concise and to the point, providing enough information to engage the reader without delving into excessive detail. 

The essay introduction is crucial as it sets the tone for the entire piece and provides the reader with a roadmap of what to expect. Here are key elements to include in your essay introduction: 

• Hook : Start with an attention-grabbing statement or question to engage the reader. This could be a surprising fact, a relevant quote, or a compelling anecdote. 
• Background information : Provide context and background information to help the reader understand the topic. This can include historical information, definitions of key terms, or an overview of the current state of affairs related to your topic. 
• Thesis statement : Clearly state your main argument or position on the topic. Your thesis should be concise and specific, providing a clear direction for your essay. 

Before we get into how to write an essay introduction, we need to know how it is structured. The structure of an essay is crucial for organizing your thoughts and presenting them clearly and logically. It is divided as follows: 2  

• Introduction:  The introduction should grab the reader’s attention with a hook, provide context, and include a thesis statement that presents the main argument or purpose of the essay.  
• Body:  The body should consist of focused paragraphs that support your thesis statement using evidence and analysis. Each paragraph should concentrate on a single central idea or argument and provide evidence, examples, or analysis to back it up.  
• Conclusion:  The conclusion should summarize the main points and restate the thesis differently. End with a final statement that leaves a lasting impression on the reader. Avoid new information or arguments. 

Here’s a step-by-step guide on how to write an essay introduction: 

• Start with a Hook : Begin your introduction paragraph with an attention-grabbing statement, question, quote, or anecdote related to your topic. The hook should pique the reader’s interest and encourage them to continue reading. 
• Provide Background Information : This helps the reader understand the relevance and importance of the topic. 
• State Your Thesis Statement : The last sentence is the main argument or point of your essay. It should be clear, concise, and directly address the topic of your essay. 
• Preview the Main Points : This gives the reader an idea of what to expect and how you will support your thesis. 
• Keep it Concise and Clear : Avoid going into too much detail or including information not directly relevant to your topic. 
• Revise : Revise your introduction after you’ve written the rest of your essay to ensure it aligns with your final argument. 

Here’s an example of an essay introduction paragraph about the importance of education: 

Education is often viewed as a fundamental human right and a key social and economic development driver. As Nelson Mandela once famously said, “Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.” It is the key to unlocking a wide range of opportunities and benefits for individuals, societies, and nations. In today’s constantly evolving world, education has become even more critical. It has expanded beyond traditional classroom learning to include digital and remote learning, making education more accessible and convenient. This essay will delve into the importance of education in empowering individuals to achieve their dreams, improving societies by promoting social justice and equality, and driving economic growth by developing a skilled workforce and promoting innovation. 

This introduction paragraph example includes a hook (the quote by Nelson Mandela), provides some background information on education, and states the thesis statement (the importance of education). 

This is one of the key steps in how to write an essay introduction. Crafting a compelling hook is vital because it sets the tone for your entire essay and determines whether your readers will stay interested. A good hook draws the reader in and sets the stage for the rest of your essay.  

• Avoid Dry Fact : Instead of simply stating a bland fact, try to make it engaging and relevant to your topic. For example, if you’re writing about the benefits of exercise, you could start with a startling statistic like, “Did you know that regular exercise can increase your lifespan by up to seven years?” 
• Avoid Using a Dictionary Definition : While definitions can be informative, they’re not always the most captivating way to start an essay. Instead, try to use a quote, anecdote, or provocative question to pique the reader’s interest. For instance, if you’re writing about freedom, you could begin with a quote from a famous freedom fighter or philosopher. 
• Do Not Just State a Fact That the Reader Already Knows : This ties back to the first point—your hook should surprise or intrigue the reader. For Here’s an introduction paragraph example, if you’re writing about climate change, you could start with a thought-provoking statement like, “Despite overwhelming evidence, many people still refuse to believe in the reality of climate change.” 

Including background information in the introduction section of your essay is important to provide context and establish the relevance of your topic. When writing the background information, you can follow these steps: 

• Start with a General Statement:  Begin with a general statement about the topic and gradually narrow it down to your specific focus. For example, when discussing the impact of social media, you can begin by making a broad statement about social media and its widespread use in today’s society, as follows: “Social media has become an integral part of modern life, with billions of users worldwide.” 
• Define Key Terms : Define any key terms or concepts that may be unfamiliar to your readers but are essential for understanding your argument. 
• Provide Relevant Statistics:  Use statistics or facts to highlight the significance of the issue you’re discussing. For instance, “According to a report by Statista, the number of social media users is expected to reach 4.41 billion by 2025.” 
• Discuss the Evolution:  Mention previous research or studies that have been conducted on the topic, especially those that are relevant to your argument. Mention key milestones or developments that have shaped its current impact. You can also outline some of the major effects of social media. For example, you can briefly describe how social media has evolved, including positives such as increased connectivity and issues like cyberbullying and privacy concerns. 
• Transition to Your Thesis:  Use the background information to lead into your thesis statement, which should clearly state the main argument or purpose of your essay. For example, “Given its pervasive influence, it is crucial to examine the impact of social media on mental health.” 

A thesis statement is a concise summary of the main point or claim of an essay, research paper, or other type of academic writing. It appears near the end of the introduction. Here’s how to write a thesis statement: 

• Identify the topic:  Start by identifying the topic of your essay. For example, if your essay is about the importance of exercise for overall health, your topic is “exercise.” 
• State your position:  Next, state your position or claim about the topic. This is the main argument or point you want to make. For example, if you believe that regular exercise is crucial for maintaining good health, your position could be: “Regular exercise is essential for maintaining good health.” 
• Support your position:  Provide a brief overview of the reasons or evidence that support your position. These will be the main points of your essay. For example, if you’re writing an essay about the importance of exercise, you could mention the physical health benefits, mental health benefits, and the role of exercise in disease prevention. 
• Make it specific:  Ensure your thesis statement clearly states what you will discuss in your essay. For example, instead of saying, “Exercise is good for you,” you could say, “Regular exercise, including cardiovascular and strength training, can improve overall health and reduce the risk of chronic diseases.” 

Examples of essay introduction 

Here are examples of essay introductions for different types of essays: 

Argumentative Essay Introduction Example:  

Topic: Should the voting age be lowered to 16? 

“The question of whether the voting age should be lowered to 16 has sparked nationwide debate. While some argue that 16-year-olds lack the requisite maturity and knowledge to make informed decisions, others argue that doing so would imbue young people with agency and give them a voice in shaping their future.” 

Expository Essay Introduction Example  

Topic: The benefits of regular exercise 

“In today’s fast-paced world, the importance of regular exercise cannot be overstated. From improving physical health to boosting mental well-being, the benefits of exercise are numerous and far-reaching. This essay will examine the various advantages of regular exercise and provide tips on incorporating it into your daily routine.” 

Text: “To Kill a Mockingbird” by Harper Lee 

“Harper Lee’s novel, ‘To Kill a Mockingbird,’ is a timeless classic that explores themes of racism, injustice, and morality in the American South. Through the eyes of young Scout Finch, the reader is taken on a journey that challenges societal norms and forces characters to confront their prejudices. This essay will analyze the novel’s use of symbolism, character development, and narrative structure to uncover its deeper meaning and relevance to contemporary society.” 

• Engaging and Relevant First Sentence : The opening sentence captures the reader’s attention and relates directly to the topic. 
• Background Information : Enough background information is introduced to provide context for the thesis statement. 
• Definition of Important Terms : Key terms or concepts that might be unfamiliar to the audience or are central to the argument are defined. 
• Clear Thesis Statement : The thesis statement presents the main point or argument of the essay. 
• Relevance to Main Body : Everything in the introduction directly relates to and sets up the discussion in the main body of the essay. 

Writing a strong introduction is crucial for setting the tone and context of your essay. Here are the key takeaways for how to write essay introduction: 3  

• Hook the Reader : Start with an engaging hook to grab the reader’s attention. This could be a compelling question, a surprising fact, a relevant quote, or an anecdote. 
• Provide Background : Give a brief overview of the topic, setting the context and stage for the discussion. 
• Thesis Statement : State your thesis, which is the main argument or point of your essay. It should be concise, clear, and specific. 
• Preview the Structure : Outline the main points or arguments to help the reader understand the organization of your essay. 
• Keep it Concise : Avoid including unnecessary details or information not directly related to your thesis. 
• Revise and Edit : Revise your introduction to ensure clarity, coherence, and relevance. Check for grammar and spelling errors. 
• Seek Feedback : Get feedback from peers or instructors to improve your introduction further. 

The purpose of an essay introduction is to give an overview of the topic, context, and main ideas of the essay. It is meant to engage the reader, establish the tone for the rest of the essay, and introduce the thesis statement or central argument.  

An essay introduction typically ranges from 5-10% of the total word count. For example, in a 1,000-word essay, the introduction would be roughly 50-100 words. However, the length can vary depending on the complexity of the topic and the overall length of the essay.

An essay introduction is critical in engaging the reader and providing contextual information about the topic. To ensure its effectiveness, consider incorporating these key elements: a compelling hook, background information, a clear thesis statement, an outline of the essay’s scope, a smooth transition to the body, and optional signposting sentences.  

The process of writing an essay introduction is not necessarily straightforward, but there are several strategies that can be employed to achieve this end. When experiencing difficulty initiating the process, consider the following techniques: begin with an anecdote, a quotation, an image, a question, or a startling fact to pique the reader’s interest. It may also be helpful to consider the five W’s of journalism: who, what, when, where, why, and how.   For instance, an anecdotal opening could be structured as follows: “As I ascended the stage, momentarily blinded by the intense lights, I could sense the weight of a hundred eyes upon me, anticipating my next move. The topic of discussion was climate change, a subject I was passionate about, and it was my first public speaking event. Little did I know , that pivotal moment would not only alter my perspective but also chart my life’s course.” 

Crafting a compelling thesis statement for your introduction paragraph is crucial to grab your reader’s attention. To achieve this, avoid using overused phrases such as “In this paper, I will write about” or “I will focus on” as they lack originality. Instead, strive to engage your reader by substantiating your stance or proposition with a “so what” clause. While writing your thesis statement, aim to be precise, succinct, and clear in conveying your main argument.  

To create an effective essay introduction, ensure it is clear, engaging, relevant, and contains a concise thesis statement. It should transition smoothly into the essay and be long enough to cover necessary points but not become overwhelming. Seek feedback from peers or instructors to assess its effectiveness. 

References  

• Cui, L. (2022). Unit 6 Essay Introduction.  Building Academic Writing Skills . 
• West, H., Malcolm, G., Keywood, S., & Hill, J. (2019). Writing a successful essay.  Journal of Geography in Higher Education ,  43 (4), 609-617. 
• Beavers, M. E., Thoune, D. L., & McBeth, M. (2023). Bibliographic Essay: Reading, Researching, Teaching, and Writing with Hooks: A Queer Literacy Sponsorship. College English, 85(3), 230-242. 

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Bride Kidnapping in Kyrgyzstan: A Reflection of Conservative Values?

• 13 January, 2022

By Nadira Mukhamejan and Aidana Zhakypbekova

Nadira Mukhamejan is a master’s student in International Master in Security, Strategy and Intelligence (IMSISS) with a BA in International Relations from the Kazakh-German University. As an assistant of the UNESCO Chair of Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) in Central Asia, she analyzed regional water policy. She produced policy-oriented studies as an intern at the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies and the Bundestag. Additionally, as a member of the Central Asian Youth for Water and the country coordinator at the COY16 she worked to advance youth participation in environmental decision-making. Her research interests include the intersectionality between gender security and environmental security, water governance and diplomacy in the Post-Soviet region with the focus on Central Asia.

Aidana Zhakypbekova is a graduate student at the University of Glasgow and Charles University. She is pursuing an Erasmus Mundus Joint Master Degree in Security, Intelligence & Strategic Studies. She obtained a Bachelor’s Degree in International and Comparative Politics from the American University of Central Asia. Her previous research projects include “Migration and Bride-Kidnapping” and “Environment and Migration”. She worked as a research assistant in the “The Discourse on external norms in Central Asia” project organized by the AUCA. Her research interests include international security, human security, politics and security of the post-Soviet space, and feminist studies.

The tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living.  Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, 1963, 15.

On April 5, 2021, twenty-seven-year-old Aizada Kanatbekova was kidnapped by three men for a forced marriage. A few days later, she was found murdered in the car of one of her kidnappers, who was also dead, having committed suicide. The next day, protests broke out in Bishkek and Osh demanding the resignation of the Minister of Interior Affairs, who oversees the police. Protesters blamed the police for their inaction, convinced that she died because they had been in no hurry to look for her. The popular indignation was further fueled by the fact that three years earlier the nineteen-year-old Burulai Turdaaly Kyzy had been killed under similar circumstances. [1]  

The first part of this article explores the revival of bride kidnapping ( ala kachuu ) and the response of civil society activists who promote women’s rights in Kyrgyzstan. The second part studies the mobilization forces that are changing the perception of bride kidnapping from a cultural tradition to a heinous crime that warrants harsher punishment. The article concludes with a critical analysis on whether laws and blame attribution are sufficient for the eradication of bride kidnapping.

Women Issues on the Agenda of Civil Society Movements

Post-Soviet Nationhood and the Revival of Bride Kidnapping

Bride kidnapping is thought to have originated from nomadic groups in Central Asia, but it is a common practice in many countries, from Europe to Africa. In some cases, the practice is consensual: the woman has already agreed to marriage and the “kidnapping” is merely a formality out of respect for tradition. On the other hand, nonconsensual bride kidnapping occurs when a man abducts a woman and forces her to become his wife. Even though bride kidnapping is illegal, many men, particularly in Kyrgyzstan’s southern regions, continue to perceive it as a feasible way to get married. [2]

According to the Criminal Code of the Kyrgyz Republic, “kidnapping a woman to marry against her will” is considered a form of deprivation of liberty [3] and is subject to five to seven years of imprisonment; whereas the punishment for abducting minors is punished with seven to ten years in prison. [4] From an international perspective, bride kidnapping is linked to domestic violence and human trafficking and goes against Article 16 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 1 of the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, and Article 16 of Convention on the Elimination of Violence against Women. However, experience has shown that tightening legal rules to more harshly penalize bride kidnappers is insufficient. Despite existing domestic laws and international obligations, the practice of bride kidnapping is widespread in Kyrgyzstan: ninety-two cases of ala kachuu were reported in 2020 and seventy-five of those had their investigations closed without prosecution — only eight cases reached the court. [5] When police officers and other law enforcement officials share the same cultural ideas as the kidnappers, abducted women and their families are powerless. [6]

During the Soviet period, the nomadic patriarchal lifestyle was transformed by urbanization and gender equality was supposedly achieved through mass education and employment. [7] As throughout the Soviet Union, women in Kyrgyzstan were entitled to the same rights as men and were to be equally represented in the senior management of businesses  and in regional and local systems of government. [8] Women could also rely on state-provided childcare and had a professional predominance in teaching, healthcare, local administration, and research.

However, the dissolution of the Soviet Union led to the erosion of social welfare, healthcare, and childcare services. This in combination with Western-sponsored structural adjustment policy aimed at economic reform through foreign trade and the privatization of state assets and industries resulted in reducing women’s employment opportunities. [9] Between 1990 and 2005, the official female employment rate dropped by almost 50%. [10] This drop in employment led to decreased women’s presence and activity in the public arena, allowing males to reclaim a traditional role as household head and breadwinner. [11]

Building Kyrgyzstan’s identity as a new nation-state has contributed to a growing reimagination of the past. [12] In such a context, bride kidnapping became a “reinvented tradition” of the pre-Soviet Kyrgyz patriarchal family pattern, supported by a share of the population that valued traditionalism over globalization and nationalism over cosmopolitism. [13] As the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) stated, “bride kidnapping appears to be socially legitimized and surrounded by a culture of silence and impunity.” [14]

It is true, however, that bride kidnapping can also be consensual, often occurring in cases when a family cannot afford the traditional wedding festivities. This might partially explain the existing tolerance of the practice. [15] During Kyrgyzstan’s democratic transition after 1991, there was an ideological division in framing women role. Lori Handrahan identified several contested models: the new influence of Islamic values coupled with the “remembering” of nomadic and tribal traditions favored a dominant male role in the society; whereas, the Western, liberal influence was perceived as a continuation of Soviet ideology, with women entitled to the same rights and opportunities as men. [16]

Women Rights and Civil Society Movements

Since the first years of independence, Kyrgyzstan has had a massive presence of international aid organizations, which have aimed to facilitate a democratic transition by forming “civil society” organizations that would give citizens to ability to hold their government accountable. [17] The neoliberal vision of building civil society has had several serious consequences. First, it ignored the social organization practices of the population during the Soviet era, assuming that civil society groups and associational communities did not exist in the USSR. [18] Second, Western donors favored particular organizational forms of civil society (like NGOs) that mirrored Western (neoliberal) notions on structure and mission. [19] Increasing the size and prominence of NGOs was associated with strengthening civil society and thereby democracy, regardless of what those organizations were doing or how representative and participatory their practices were. [20]

A gender mainstreaming trend during the in 1990s [21] created a “funding stream” to women’s organizations and established a new area of professional activity for women as leaders and members of civil society groups. [22] However, this professionalization of women in gender-focused NGOs and the emergence of Western-educated women’s rights activists has been criticized for several reasons. First, they have been accused of “prioritizing issues for which they can secure grants,” more focused on their own income than actual problems. [23] Second, they were perceived to be implanted artificially from the outside, ignorant to the cultural realities surrounding gender and the conditions of rural women—the most vulnerable to domestic violence. [24] Third, the “NGOization” and professionalization of female organizations led to moving the issue of women inequality and vulnerability from the political agenda away, where women would contact the NGO rather than mobilizing for changes in policies. [25]

As a sociologist and women’s movement activist in Kyrgyzstan noted, “development did not change the essence of political and public patriarchy.” The groups focused on formal lobbying and advocacy did not impact the power relations in the lives of “ordinary women” or the gendered norms in wider society. [26] Altogether, it resulted in a “ghettoization” of women’s issues. Prominent female leaders and women’s issues moved outside formal politics and male-dominated political institutions, siloed instead in women’s NGOs. [27]

Bride Kidnapping: Discourse Analysis of Media Coverage

Since the late 1990s, people in Kyrgyzstan have frequently organized street protests to express their discontent with government activity. [28] In thirty years of independence, mass protests have led to the resignation of three different presidents. Thus, there is wide acceptance for the efficacy of mass street gatherings. [29] However, public scepticism toward this mechanism has increased since protests against unfair elections in October 2020 were used by imprisoned populist leader Sadyr Japarov as political opportunity to grab power. [30]

Since the study of Kyrgyz revolutions was mostly focused on elites, the role of the civil society mobilization and its potential in catalyzing changes in national policy reactions has been underresearched. [31] To understand the nature of protests following the murder of Aizada Kanatbekova, we analyzed discourses in domestic and international media coverage through discourse analysis, exploring the variety of competing, complementing, or coexisting discourses on bride kidnapping. The latter can be framed as a tradition, a family affair, and a crime. As “patterns of action, habits and conventions that follow relatively explicit rules, discourses inform our ‘instincts’ regarding how to act,” [32] and thus, inform our social practices. [33] The analytical strength of discourse analysis is its ability to uncover the power systems that influence the way people think. [34]

To analyze how the framing of bride kidnapping in domestic media, we selected the news portal AkiPress , since it is independent from the government. [35] Also, this source reports in the English language, making it possible to compare with international media. The corpus of international media coverage comprises various English-language outlets, such as the BBC, Agence France-Presse, Human Rights Watch, Daily Sabah, the Telegraph, and Al Jazeera. The international sources were selected based on their originality (not reproducing or reprinting the news from other news outlets) and length (more than 150 words). The time frame of the analysis has been between April 8 and 16, 2021, starting with the date of the incident and ending when most outlets had stopped publishing new stories. Articles were selected by searching the following keywords in UniNexis: “bride kidnapping” and “Aizada Kanatbekova,” adding “police” and “protest” as additional filters. The selections were codified inductively, with categories derived from the actual texts to avoid the researcher’s preconceptions.

Results and discussion

AkiPress reported about Aizada Kanatbekova’s murder using the discourse that bride kidnapping is a crime. Article called the incident a “disgraceful phenomenon” and “brutal practice” and which caused “a nationwide outcry,” stressing that Kyrgyzstan outlawed bride kidnapping in 2013. AkiPress Journalists wrote that protests in Bishkek and Osh were a reaction to the government’s unprofessionalism and police indifference to women’s rights and were demanding dismissal of officials, accountability from the Ministry of Interior, and tougher punishment for criminals. AkiPress also highlighted the fact that in the state’s criminal code, the punishment for bride kidnapping is softer than the punishment for kidnapping minors.

In multiple articles, Aizada Kanatbekova’s death was linked to the 2018 murder of Burulai Turdaaly Kyzy, another victim of bride kidnapping, implying that little progress has been made to ensure women’s safety or enforce legislation. The main people interviewed for these articles were members of parliament and ordinary citizens who expressed their concerns about police actions, dissatisfaction with the “Bishkek Safe City” project that is setting up CCTV in the city, and belief that responsibility lies with the Ministry of Interior and law enforcement agencies. One article was dedicated to the reaction of the Spiritual Administration of Muslims, which considered the practice a sin and going against rules of Islam. [36]

The coverage of the incident in international media took a broader approach. For example, The Telegraph brought up the subject of women’s bodily autonomy more generally, presenting the event in Kyrgyzstan in relation to a United Nations Population Fund report on the developing countries and comparing the situation with practices in sub-Saharan Africa countries. International media used Western dominant discourses on human and women’s rights to connect the case to the wider global agenda of improving the security of women in relation to domestic abuse, gender-based violence, and femicide. [37] . These articles also referred to the Burulai Turdaaly Kyzy case, mentioning Kyrgyzstan’s poor record on women’s rights and calling bride abduction in the country a systemic phenomenon. [38]

Overall, the most frequent combination of discourses throughout the corpus was (1) that bride kidnapping is not a tradition but crime, and (2) that officials must be punished and dismissed. In the sources, the grievance of the police misconduct outweighed the importance of systemic measures against the practice of bride abduction. However, it is important to note that blame attribution is key to mobilization. [39] According to blame attribution theory, successful mobilization depends on identifying a target actor responsible for causing or solving the problem. [40] The discourses that depicted police indifference to women’s rights and the incompetence of the Ministry of Interior combined both a grievance and identified a responsible party.

Remarkably, the activities of women’s NGOs and civil society groups were excluded from the narratives of both domestic and international media. Despite calling for a change in the attitude toward the practice of bride abduction and forced marriage, the media did not offer practical steps to raise awareness or influence policy. Another important conclusion relates the Western-centrism of international media: Kyrgyzstan was framed as falling behind Western standards of human rights protections.

As a result of this mobilization, the Ministry of Internal Affairs conducted an internal investigation that resulted in twelve police officers being dismissed from their posts, twenty-seven were given warnings of professional unsuitability ( sluzhebnoe nesootvestvie ) and five were severely reprimanded. On April 29, 2021, a bill to toughen the punishment for bride kidnapping was submitted for public discussion. And the first trial in the abduction of Kanatbekova was set to take place on May 27. Five men were charged with aiding in the abduction. [41] These developments can be interpreted as a successful case of mobilization, when the media’s framing of the event influenced how the wider audience perceived bride kidnapping and fuelled a collective response.

Are Blame Attribution Instruments and Laws Sufficient for the Eradication of Bride Kidnapping?

As Émile Durkheim stated, law is not a self-governing instrument but the reflection of traditions, values, social norms, and behaviors. [42] In the case of bride kidnapping in Kyrgyzstan, it is important not to overlook those who are affected by the social forces and existing customs and values of a society. Law is an established set of rules based on preexisting mutual moral consent. [43] To better illustrate the relationship between the social forces and the law in cases of bride kidnapping, we analyze the effectiveness of police officers when a kidnapped woman asks for help.

A police officer is likely to share the traditional values of Kyrgyz society. He is not impartial because he is also influenced by the preexisting culture and conventions of society. In the case of Burulai Turdaaly Kyzy, police intercepted the kidnapping, bringing both the victim and her abductor to the police station. She was killed at the station when police officers left her alone and unsupervised in a room with her kidnapper. [44] The decision to leave them alone together reveals some insight into the police officer’s perception of and social behavior toward bride kidnapping. Under the law, a police officer is not allowed to leave the victim of the crime alone with the suspected perpetrator.

It seems that even when there are written laws that define bride kidnapping as a crime, social traditions and conservative norms regarding women’s and men’s roles in Kyrgyz society influence the effectiveness of those laws and how or if they are enforced. In such a context, bride kidnapping might be considered a process that helps woman keeping their traditional social role, rather than a crime. Several traditional notions may be driving the acceptance and continuation of bride kidnapping: [45]

• A woman is expected to marry, especially if she is starting to get “old.”
• A woman who is raped by the kidnapper may feel ashamed and even be rejected by her family because of the loss of her virginity.
• Masculinity is judged based on a man having a wife and children and femininity based on being a wife and mother, meaning that men have incentive and power to force a marriage and women have little capacity to refuse.
• In a culture like Kyrgyzstan where dowry is expected, men who do not have money for it but want to be married may resort to drastic measures. In any case, it seems that woman is framed as a property of a family because she is “sold” to a man. [46]  

Moreover, bride kidnapping in Kyrgyzstan seems to be closely linked to ethnic identification. According to Handraha, bride abductions are performed mainly by ethnic Kyrgyz men. [47] By kidnapping a woman, a man not only proves his courage and dominance over women but also claims to be honoring his so-called ethnic traditions. In this sense, by complying with kidnapping and forced marriage, a woman “demonstrates loyalty to the ethnicity,” [48] while by refusing it or denouncing it, she can be accused of rejecting her ethnicity. An abducted woman has thus a number of factors to consider when deciding whether or not to stay with her kidnapper. If she does report the incident to the police, her report will also be substantially influenced by the pre-existing social constraints of conservative values regarding marriage and women’s social status.

Our analysis leads to the conclusion that blame attribution is insufficient to address the roots of bride kidnapping and does not provide a comprehensive approach on how to resist and mobilize against gender-based violence. On the one hand, blame attribution has increased public outrage and raised questions of accountability and legality of bride kidnapping. This has recently led to a public awareness that law enforcement is one of the essential institutions that should be held accountable and may also have the power to eradicate bride kidnapping. But ending bride kidnapping will also require questioning the entrenched conservative values of some segments of Kyrgyz society.

Research Limitations and Conclusions

In Kyrgyzstan, women issues have been gradually displaced from politics to the civil society sector. The country’s successive governments have established legislation criminalizing bride kidnapping and increasing the punishments for perpetrators. However, reforming the law has not been sufficient in changing normative expectations. Civil society mobilization in April 2021 led to the promises of legal amendments to eradicate the practice of bride kidnapping by further toughening the punishments. Framing bride kidnapping as a crime, as well as attributing blame at the responsible authorities led to the transformation of the situation. However, blame attribution and legal instruments alone are not enough to eradicate bride kidnapping. To be effective, resistance to bride kidnapping implies challenging conservative values related to gender roles, marriage expectations, and concepts of femininity and masculinity.

[1] Aidai Erkebaeva, “‘Zachem vy perezhivaete?’ Kyrgyzstantsy obvinyayut silovikov v ubiystve 27‑letney Ayzady Kanatbekovoy, pokhishchennoy dlya braka po prinuzhdeniyu,” Mediazona , April 9, 2021, https://mediazona.ca/article/2021/04/09/kanatbekova.

[2] Snežana Malić, “Bride kidnapping in Kazakhstan: Personal Security perspective,” (paper presented at the conference “Non-Traditional Risks and Challenges to Central Asian Security,” OSCE Academy, Bishkek, May 17-18, 2018), 2.

[3] Criminal Code of the Kyrgyz Republic, no. 68, dated October 1, 1997, http://cbd.minjust.gov.kg/act/view/ru-ru/568/1190?cl=ru-ru.

[4] Criminal Code of the Kyrgyz Republic, no. 68, dated October 1, 1997, http://cbd.minjust.gov.kg/act/view/ru-ru/568/1190?cl=ru-ru.

[5] Erkebaeva, “Zachem vy perezhivaete?”

[6] Malić, “Bride kidnapping,” 9.

[7] Russell Kleinbach and Gazbubu Babaiarova, “Reducing Non-Consensual Bride Kidnapping in Kyrgyzstan,” Eurasian Journal of Social Sciences 1, no. 1 (2013): 53, https://eurasianpublications.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/EJSS-1.1.4.pdf.

[8] Yvonne Corcoran-Nantes, Lost Voices: Central Asian Women Confronting Transition (London: Zed Books, 2005), https://doi.org/10.5040/9781350221192; John Anderson, Kyrgyzstan: Central Asia’s Island of Democracy? (New York: Routledge, 1999); Joanna Pares Hoare. “Development and Gender in Kyrgyzstan,” (Bishkek: Social Research Center, 2009).

[9] Anderson, Island of Democracy ;Mehmet Dikkaya and Ibrahim Keles, “A Case Study of Foreign Direct Investment in Kyrgyzstan,” Central Asian Survey 25, no. 1-2 (2006): 149-156, https://doi.org/10.1080/02634930600903213.

[10] Armin Bauer, David Green, and Kathleen Kuehnast, Women and Gender Relations: The Kyrgyz Republic in Transition (Manila: Asian Development Bank, 1997); Farideh Heyat, “Re-Islamisation in Kyrgyzstan: Gender, New Poverty and the Moral Dimension,” Central Asian Survey 23, no. 3-4 (2004): 275-287, https://doi.org/10.1080/0263493042000321371; Corcoran-Nantes, Lost Voices;

The Kyrgyz Republic: A Gendered Transition, Soviet legacies and New Risks, Country Gender Assessment series (Manila: Asian Development Bank, 2005); Pares Hoare “Development and Gender,” 8.

[11] Deniz Kandiyoti, Agrarian Reform, Gender and Land Rights in Uzbekistan , Social Policy and Development Paper no. 11 (Geneva: United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, 2002); A Gendered Transition.

[12] Werner, “Bride Abduction,” 329.

[13] Kleinbach and Babaiarova, “Reducing Non-Consensual Bride Kidnapping.”

[14] Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, Report of the Inquiry Concerning the Kyrgyz Republic Under Article 8 of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women , CEDAW/C/OP.8/KGZ/1 (New York:

UN. Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, 2008), https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/1648381?ln=en.

[15] O’Neill Borbieva, “Kidnapping Women.”

[16] Lori M. Handrahan, “Gender and Ethnicity in the ‘Transitional Democracy’ of Kyrgyzstan,” Central Asian Survey , 20, no. 4 (2001): 474–476, https://doi.org/10.1080/02634930120104645.

[17] Schulte, “Benchmarking the Progress”; Review of the History of Establishment and Development of the NGO Sector in the Kyrgyz Republic (Bishkek: Association of Civil Society Support Centers, 2006).

[18] Janice Giffen, Lucy Earle, and Charles Buxton, The Development of Civil Society in Central Asia (Oxford: The International NGO Training and Research Centre, 2005); Schulte, “Benchmarking the Progress.”

[19] Ruth Mandel, “Seeding Civil Society,” Postsocialism: Ideas, Ideologies and Practices in Eurasia, edited by C. M. Hann (London: Routledge, 2002).

[20] Joanna Pares Hoare, “Doing Gender Activism in a Donor-Organized Framework: Constraints and Opportunities in Kyrgyzstan.” Nationalities Papers 44, no. 2 (2016): 281–298, https://doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2015.1007344.

[21] Rebecca Tiessen, Everywhere / Nowhere: Gender Mainstreaming in Development

Agencies (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2007); Julie Hemment, E mpowering Women in Russia: Activism, Aid, and NGOs (Bloomington, IN: University of Indiana Press, 2007).

[22] Pares Hoare, “Doing Gender Activism,” 282.

[23] Ibid., 284.

[24] Svetlana Shakirova, “Women’s Movement and Feminism in Central Asia: From a Not Comforting Forecast to Efficient Strategies,” Worlds & Knowledges Otherwise , 2008; Pares Hoare, “Doing Gender Activism,” 283.

[25] Pares Hoare, “Doing Gender Activism,” 289.

[26] Shakirova, “Women’s Movement and Feminism.”

[27] Victoria Bernal and Inderpal Grewal Inderpal, “The NGO Form: Feminist Struggles, States, and Neoliberalism,” in Theorizing NGOs: States, Feminisms, and Neoliberalism , ed. Victoria Bernal and Inderpal Grewal (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014), 9, https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv11688xv.4.

[28] Amanda E. Wooden, “Another Way of Saying Enough: Environmental Concern and Popular Mobilization in Kyrgyzstan,” Post-Soviet Affairs 29, no. 4 (2013): 316, https://doi.org/10.1080/1060586x.2013.797165.

[29] Ibid., 319.

[30] Andrea Schmitz, Revolution Again in Kyrgyzstan: Forward to the Past? SWP Comment 2021/C 08 (Berlin: Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2021), https://doi.org/10.18449/2021C08.

[31] Wooden, “Another Way of Saying Enough,” 322.

[32] Louisa Parks, “Discourses of Environmental Politics and Governance: Understanding Discourse and ‘Survivalism,’” (lecture for BMO6624: People, Politics and the Planet, University of Trento, Trento, Italy, 11 March 11, 2021).

[33] Norman Fairclough, “Critical Discourse Analysis as a Method in Social Scientific Research,” in Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis , 1st ed., ed. Ruth Wodak and Michael Meyer (London: SAGE Publications, 2001), 121.

[34] Gordon R. Waitt, “Doing Discourse Analysis ,” Qualitative Research Methods in Human Geography , 2nd ed., edited by Iain Hay (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 166.

[35] Bahtiyar Kurambayev et al. “An Investigation of Journalists’ Job Satisfaction IN BISHKEK, Capital of the Kyrgyz Republic.” Central Asian Affairs 6, no. 1 (2019): 47–67. https://doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00601003.

[36] “Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Kyrgyzstan comments on high-profile abduction and murder of Aizada Kanatbekova,” AKIpress , April 9, 2021, https://akipress.com/news:656654:Spiritual_Administration_of_Muslims_of_Kyrgyzstan__comments_on_high-profile_abduction_and_murder_of_Aizada_Kanatbekova/.

[37] Tolkun Namatbayeva, “Hundreds Protest in Kyrgyzstan After Bride Kidnap and Murder,” AFP News, https://sg.news.yahoo.com/hundreds-protest-kyrgyzstan-bride-kidnap-105116068.html.

[38] Syinat Sultanalieva, “Another Woman Killed in Scourge of Kyrgyzstan ‘Bride Kidnappings,’” Human Rights Watch , April 9, 2021, https: //w ww .hrw.org/news/2021/04/09/another-woman-killed-scourge-kyrgyzstan- bride-kidnappings.

[39] James Q. Wilson,“The Strategy of Protest: Problems of Negro Civic Action,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 5, no. 3 (1961): 291–303. https://doi.org/10.1177/002200276100500306; Mark Irving Lichbach, The Rebel’s Dilemma , (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2006); Debra Javeline, “The Role of Blame in Collective Action: Evidence from Russia,” American Political Science Review 97, no. 1 (2003): 107–221, https://doi.org/10.1017/s0003055403000558.

[40] Wooden, “Another Way of Saying Enough.”

[41] Kamila Baymuratova, “Pokhishchenie i ubiystvo Ayzady Kanatbekovoy: Khronologiya sobytiy,” Kloop Media , April 9, 2021, https://kloop.kg/blog/2021/04/09/pohishhenie-i-ubijstvo-ajzady-kanatbekovoj-hronologiya-sobytij/.

[42] J. A. Barnes, “Durkheim’s Division of Labour in Society,” Man 1, no. 2 (1966): 158-175, https://doi.org/10.2307/2796343.

[43] Alexandria Lundberg McKenna. “Prosecuting Bride Kidnapping: The Law Isn’t Enough; Aligning Cultural Norms with the Law,” Journal of International Law 53, no. 1 (2021): 475-521, https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol53/iss1/16.

[44] Nurzhan Toktonazarova, “Kyrgyz Bride Kidnapping Ends In Brutal Stabbing, Prompting Outrage,” Radio Free Europe, May 29, 2018, https://www.rferl.org/a/kyrgyz-bride-kidnapping-ends-in-brutal-stabbing-prompting-outrage/29257873.html.

[45] Werner, “Bride Abduction”; Lundberg McKenna, “Prosecuting Bride Kidnapping.”

[47] Handrahan, “Hunting for Women.”

[48] Ibid., 222.

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When I was a single parent, I introduced my new partner and kid quickly. I'd do it more slowly if I were single again.

• A few months after my ex-husband and I separated, I joined a dating app.
• I was surprised when I quickly met someone I was excited about. 
• I introduced him to my son fairly quickly, and if I was single again, I might do it differently. 

I officially separated from my ex-husband in March 2020 and took full advantage of that confusing time period to take the time to really get to know myself. I'd gotten married at 23 years old with next to no dating experience prior to that and suddenly found myself 35 and curious about who I was.

No one was more surprised than I was when I met someone that September. I had jumped on a dating app at the encouragement of friends, who were sure that I'd meet someone — just as sure as I was that the experience would be a waste of time. I'd give it two hours, I told them, and so I set a timer and began sending screenshot after screenshot of messages from men who wanted to meet up that night, who told me I would have to give up my home and move into theirs, and one memorable fellow who said I would have to quit horseback riding lessons because he was allergic (spoiler: I did not).

I met my partner shortly after joining a dating app

With about 10 minutes to go in my experiment, I connected with a basketball coach and philanthropist that I was actually into, and nearly four years later, we are still together. He was headed out of the country for two months the next day, which gave us the time to get to know each other through phone calls and texts without any pressure of a date. At the time, this was ideal — I had no idea just how much of a novice I was when it came to relationships.

Related stories

Once he got back into town that November, we met up in person and began to spend several days a week together, and by January, he was staying over more often than not. We usually saw each other on the days my son was at his dad's house, but my excitement at having found someone who felt so right for me and my life quickly spilled over to excitement about introducing my then-11-year-old son to him, too.

In retrospect, I can admit that I rushed things in a way that I don't know if I would do again if we met now. I've only understood this as other friends have begun dating and held off on introducing their children to their new partners for six months, a year, or even longer.

I had no way of knowing what it would feel like to believe someone was so meant for me — and no way of knowing that I would be so eager for my son to get to know this great person, too. In a lot of ways, I even admire the Pollyanna-esque spirit with which I could still approach the world and relationships at that time, and can find sweetness at the core of my intention. If you're in love and you have a kid you love, naturally, you want both of your loves to love each other, right?

But as an older, wiser, and somewhat more experienced mom and woman, I can understand why some parents wait . I had spent over a decade married to one person, and was very much still in a marriage mindset when I met my partner. Instead of wanting to go out and drink until 2 a.m. or get dressed up for dates at chic restaurants, I wanted to take family outings and watch our favorite shows in our pajamas.

I wasn't trying to replace my son's father — who is very involved in his life — in any capacity, but was actively, anxiously, and excitedly trying to introduce a new adult my son could trust into his life, sometimes I worry before he was really ready, because I love how family feels at its core and wanted to have that with the two of them.

I might have introduced my partner and son more slowly if I could do it again

A lot of experts advise waiting six months to a year into a new relationship before introducing partners and children. Gwyneth Paltrow and her husband Brad Falchuk didn't live together until they had been married for a year because of their kids, something that I don't think I could ever do, but years down the road, I can see the wisdom in something like that.

If there is one change I might have made if I could, I would have gone a lot slower with both my child and my partner , introducing them to one another first over a longer period of time first by talking about them to each other, then with a meet-up at a park or anime store, then maybe family dinners that eventually lead to everyone in the same house together all the time.

Of course, in the end, the path I walked was the right one for us, and I wouldn't change what happened at all. I am a big believer in the idea that what we live is what we are meant to, and the relationship my partner and son have is one that I really appreciate (and am entertained by). While I do think taking things slower in this one aspect would have probably saved my son and me a few emotional conversations, ultimately, we all ended up exactly where (and with whom) we were supposed to be.

Watch: The truth behind the experimental therapy that kids say starts with 'legalized kidnapping'

• Main content

Narrative Essays

Narrative: The spoken or written account of connected events; a story

Narrative Introductions

The introduction of a narrative essay sets the scene for the story that follows. Interesting introductions—for any kind of writing—engage and draw readers in because they want to know more.

Since narratives tell a story and involve events, the introduction of a narrative quite often starts in the middle of the action in order to bring the reader into the story immediately, as shown in examples 1, 3, and 5 below. Other effective introductions briefly provide background for the point of the story—often the lesson learned—as in 4 below and the first example on the reverse side.

Below are some strategies for writing effective openings. Remember your introduction should be interesting and draw your reader in. It should make your audience want to read more. If it's a person , begin with a description of the person and then say why that person mattered. If it's an event , begin with the action or begin by reflecting back on why the event mattered, then go into the narrative.

• "Potter...take off!" my coach yelled as I was cracking yet another joke during practice.
• Why do such a small percentage of high school athletes play Division One sports?
• It was a cold, rainy night, under the lights on the field. I lined up the ball on the penalty line under the wet grass. After glancing up at the tied score, I stared into the goalkeeper's eyes.
• My heart pounds in my chest. My stomach full of nervous butterflies. I hear the crowd talking and names being cheered.
• Slipping the red and white uniform over my head for the first time is a feeling I will never forget.
• "No football." Those words rang in my head for hours as I thought about what a stupid decision I had made three nights before.
• "SNAP!" I heard the startling sound of my left knee before I ever felt the pain.
• According to the NCAA, there are over 400,000 student-athletes in the United States.

Narrative Story

• Unified: Ensure all actions in your story develop a central idea or argument.
• Interesting: Draw your readers into your scene(s), making them feel as if they're experiencing them first-hand.
• Coherent: Indicate changes in time, location, and characters clearly (even if your story is not chronological).
• Climactic: Include a moment (the climax) when your ending is revealed or the importance of events is made clear.
• Remember the 5 W's : Who? What? When? Where? Why?
• Write vividly : Include significant sensory information in the scene (sight, sound, touch, smell, taste) to make readers feel they are there
• Develop " Thick Descriptions "

Clifford Geertz describes thick descriptions as accounts that include not only facts but also commentary and interpretation . The goal is to vividly describe an action or scene, often through the use of metaphors, analogies, and other forms of interpretation that can emote strong feelings and images in your readers' minds.

"The flatness of the Delta made the shack, the quarters, and the railroad tracks nearby seem like some tabletop model train set. Like many Mississippi shacks, this one looked as if no one had lived there since the birth of the blues. Four sunflowers leaned alongside a sagging porch. When the front door creaked open, cockroaches bigger than pecans scurried for cover [...] walls wept with mildew."

—from Bruce Watson's Freedom Summer

Narrative Checklist

• Does the story have a clear and unifying idea? If not, what could that idea be?
• If the story doesn't include a thesis sentence, is the unifying idea of the story clear without it?
• Is the story unified, with all the details contributing to the central idea?
• Is the story arranged chronologically? If not, is the organization of ideas and events still effective and clear?
• Do the transitions show the movement from idea to idea and scene to scene?
• Are there enough details?
• Is there dialogue at important moments?
• Is there a climax to the story—moment at which the action is resolved or a key idea is revealed?

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