khongjom war essay

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Khongjom War Memorial – A central place in the history of Manipur

Khongjom War Memorial is the living history of war Against British Empire by the erstwhile Kingdom of Manipur and a reminder of bravery to each and every Manipur. It is located in the Kheba Ching in Khongjom which is a part of Thoubal District in Manipur. Today, we will read all the details about the Khongjom War Memorial, its history, current status, development, social impact to all the Manipuris. Please read this article till the end and comment your ideas and thoughts in the comment section.

What led to Khongjom War?

There are many detailed accounts on how the Anglo-Manipuri war erupted in the 19th century. For some it is a question of why only on 19th century. The truth is that since the British colonization of India, Manipur is always under political influence of British Empire. Since, Manipur is a small Kingdom and all the sides were under British rule, there was nothing much Manipur can do to either attack or defend against the British. Both parties knew this and British had no real intention of waging a war to bring Manipur under her empire.

The Anglo-Manipur war was started as a result of royal infighting for the throne. The resulted in the formal request of British to help by one side. During this some British soldiers were killed and a formal war was declared against the Kingdom of Manipur. A more detail account of these events can be found from London Gazette in here and here .

It is during this war, the battle of Khongjom played a crucial role. The battle of Khongjom is the last battle against the British Empire during the Anglo-Manipuri war. Major Paona Brajabashi was the head of the Manipur troop stationed in Khongjom and his army was surrounded by the three sides.

When is Khongjom Day celebrated and why?

Till this day this battle is remembered as the Khongjom Lan Ningsing Numit on 23th April every year to show the respects to those who sacrificed fighting for the Manipuris during the Anglo-Manipuri War of 1891. This also serves as a symbol of bravery, fighting spirit of Manipuris.

I have written a post about why the Northeast India is famous for. You can check other famous places and reason by following the article here .

Three heroes of Manipur who died at Khongjom battle

Many nameless heroes sacrificed their lives to preserve the independence of Manipur against the mighty British. Three heroes of Manipur who died at the khongjom battle are Major Paona Brajabasi, Chinglen Sana, Khumbong Major, etc. To name a few others: Loitongba Jamadar, Keisa Jamadar, Heirang Khongja, and many more rank and files of Manipuri warriors sacrificed their lives at this battlefield.

Where is Khongjom War Memorial Located?

The Khongjom War Memorial is located in the Kheba Ching at Khongjom, Thoubal District of Manipur. The Khongjom is the name of the area where the battle took place. The kheba Ching is the area where Major Paona Brajabashi sacrificed his life for the Kingdom of Manipur.

It is located at a distance of 36.8 km from the capital city Imphal and approximately 35-55 minute drive . You can expect a longer drive time if you are using the public transport.

How to reach Khongjom War Memorial?

You can opt for two choices – private and public transport. For private, it is expensive like 10-15 times than that of the public option. But if you are traveling in the pool, then the private option might offer you flexibility and affordability. You can book private taxis from various local services. (If you own one of such services do let me know). Once booked, tell the driver to go to Khongjom war memorial and s/he will drive up to it. If you are booking a taxi for the return journey also, then you will need to pay a parking fee of about Rs. 10 (~$0.13) when you reach the base of the hill. Please note that you might not be able to book a private taxi from Khongjom for a return journey to Imphal or they will charge a ridiculous amount of money. Don’t think they are ripping you off for being outsiders or foreigners. It is just the way it is.

Now, if you are going for public or shared transportation, you have to go to the parking area of this particular route. The parking area is called the Kangla mamang or the GM hall mamang . There you will find a lot of Tata Magic and see the banner in the front of the Tata Magics and search for these places – Khongjom, Langlathel, Kakching, Tekcham . Any of these vehicles will drop at the Khongjom war memorial. Once you find the vehicle, just ask the driver to drop you at the Khongjom war memorial and they will tell you once you reach the Khongjom war memorial.

What can you do in Khongjom War Memorial as a tourist?

Despite enjoying the greenery and pleasant atmosphere at the Khongjom War Memorial, you can pay tribute and respect to those who died in the war. As a tourist, the place is very peaceful and you can enjoy a panoramic view of the Khongjom region. In the west, you can see Wangjing, east you can see Khongjom town, in the south, you can see Sapam, Samram, Tekcham, Khongjom villages. You can enjoy plenty of paddy fields, brick farms, and full of natural beauties.

Once you reach the top and you are an adventurous person, you can search for fruits on the hill. You can find fruits according to time but don’t expect them to be very abundant. I said if you are adventurous. Don’t get too comfy because locals might think you are destroying the plants.

There are many small local vendors there, you can always buy the local snacks. You can ask them for – Singju, Bora, Paknam, etc. You will find these snacks everywhere in Manipur but the taste is different for different places.

Development of Khongjom War Memorial Complex

Previously, the Khongjom War Memorial Complex was just a simple place with two buildings and a shrine on the top of Kheba Ching or Kheba hill. Ching means hill in Manipur. From the last several years, the development is going on to a new modern tourist spot. Check out the image below to see the difference.

Check out a long view as seen from the National Highway Number 2.

You can watch an aerial view of the Khongjom War Memorial Complex below video.

As I heard it, the development is quite not yet complete. By the time it is completed, it will take facilities like boats to wander around the lake, small restaurants, coffee points, and other entertainment areas.

What you need to know before going to Khongjom War Memorial?

If you know the general precautions of Manipur then you are safe. However, I will list some points that you should know particularly before going to Khongjom War Memorial below

• The Assam Rifles Camp is just on the next hill that you can see with big buildings. So, you might want to be careful of your drones going too far in the wrong direction.
• Make sure you know about your transportation as by 5 pm in winter or 5:30 pm in summer, you will hardly find any shared vehicle going to Imphal.
• Don’t disrespect any monuments. Manipuris don’t take any disrespect lightly especially when it is of historical significance.
• Bring a guide as s/he may explain the things in a more proper manner.

What I don’t like about Khongjom War Memorial?

Personally, I like almost everything in the Khongjom War Memorial but there are certain things I would like to point out to the frequent tourists. You may take the following criticisms with a salty taste.

• PLEASE! PLEASE! Do not write Tomba + Chaoba, Ibomcha loves Ibemcha on the beautiful walls of the place. This is so bad and please keep your love story between you two. If you want much publicity, then there is Facebook, google, youtube, you can always record a video or click a photo and upload it at any time you want. But, I have to honest with you, even Paris can not get rid of this problem. In the famous lock bridges in Paris, many people write their couple names as you can see below. So, we can beat Paris at this by simply not writing your love names on the wall. The best thing we can do is to start a rumor that those who wrote their couple love names on the Khongjom War Memorial tends to break up later. I think this will stop people from writing their lover’s name on the wall.

• Please, do not litter the plastics in and around the place. Throw them in the dustbin. If you can’t find them, put them in a large carry-bin and throw to a dustbin when available.
• Please repair the road near the main entrance and exit towards the NH2.
• There seem to be no proper maintenance of the water fountains and other things. So, if possible please maintain it properly.

If you have anything other than I have listed above, please comment down below and I will add in the list.

What are other nearby famous tourist spots near Khongjom War Memorial?

As we all know that Manipur is full of famous tourist places, you can bet that within a 10 km range you can always find a famous tourist place. Some of the famous tourist places near Khongjom War Memorial are: Kakching garden in Kakching, Langol View, etc. I have shared the details about the Langol View in my other blog posts here where I have written about how to reach, when is the best time to go to Langol Peak, precautions to be taken, etc. You can find the article here.

If you want to know more details about Manipur, you can follow this link here where everything is about Manipur .

Have you traveled to Khongjom war memorial? Do you want your photo posted here in this post with proper credit? Or do you want to share your experience? Send me all of it in the contact email.

I hope you will find this helpful and wish you have a wonderful time visiting Manipur and Khongjom war memorial. See you in next post.

Are you planning a visit to North East India? Don’t forget to carry a pack of RageCoffee. Click the link below and use promo code: NEINDIA and get 15% OFF.

Click here to buy RageCoffee .

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The Bravehearts of Khongjom

IFP Editorial: The Manipuris were a martial race and they are known and feared for their valour in battle. The 1891 Battle of Khongjom was one of the fiercest battles fought in hand to hand combat.

By IFP Bureau

Updated 22 Apr 2022, 7:13 pm

The 1891 Battle of Khongjom was a defining moment in the history of Manipur which heralded the beginning of colonial rule in an independent kingdom which was once a minor regional power at the crossroads of South Asia and southeast Asia.

The Manipuris were a martial race and they are known and feared for their valour in battle. It was one of the fiercest battles fought in hand to hand combat in this part of the world. The British forces attacked from three sides and powerful legions were sent from Kohima, Tamu and Silchar. The hero of the battle was Major Paona Brajabashi whose name is being epitomised by the Manipuris for his bravery and patriotism even in ballads which came to beknown as Khongjom Parva.

It is said even the British were awed by his bravery and love for Manipur, his motherland. It was the spirit of independence and a race which refused to cow down to colonialism of any kind. There were several other heroes who fought in the Khongjom battle like Major Chongtham Mia, Chinglen Sana,Khumbong Major, Loitongba Jamadar, Keisa Jamadar, Heirang Kongja, and many more unknown soldiers who sacrificed their lives at this battlefield. Every year, on April 23, the whole state of Manipur pays homage to those great warriors at the Khongjom War Memorial Complex.

ALSO READ:  Khongjom Day 2022: Manipur to pay tributes to martyrs of 1891 Anglo-Manipuri war

The solemn memorial site stands at the very place where the warriors gracefully accepted the historic defeat. It stands there as a living symbol of the spirit of patriotism and heroism of Manipuris. The prominent figures who played a dominant role in the Anglo-Manipur War of 1891 against the British imperialists were hanged publicly at Pheidapung on August 13, which is now known as Bir Tikendrajit Park. Bir Tikendrajit, Thangal General, Pukhramba Kajao,and Chirai Thangal were hanged before the very eyes of the general public while many unknown soldiers laid down their lives gracefully in order to save the nation from colonisation by the mighty British imperial forces.

So far, the state has also been celebrating the life and sacrifice of these patriots and the unknown soldiers who gave their lives for the independence of Manipur. Perhaps unknown to many, the observation of Patriots Day was brought to state level first by Pan Manipuri Youth League in 1968 and taken over by the state government in 1972 when Md Alimuddin led Manipur People's Party (MPP) after Manipur attained statehood. While the ring leaders of the revolt against the British usurpers were hanged, some Manipuris, including Maharaj Kulachandra were exiled beyond the ocean at Kalapani, which is the infamous Cellular Jail located at Andaman and Nicobar Islands.

Reports are still scarce as to how many Manipuri were exiled at Kalapani. Some reports suggest that 16 persons were exiled to the islands after Manipur was defeated in the Anglo-Manipur War while various sources indicate that altogether 23 people exiled at Kalapani at different batches and at different points of time. It has been reported that the first batch includes 15 Anglo-Manipur War Heroes (AMWHs) including Maharaj Kulachandra Singh followed by transportation of the remaining war heroes. Besides the list from the Manipur State Archives (MSA), another deported war hero named, Abungjao Yengkhoiba, was also reflected in the colonial proceedings of the Anglo-Manipur War of 1891 as well as in the list of first batch of AMWHs deported to Kalapani, but could not be traced in the later correspondence for release from Kalapana.

In addition to the AMWHs, a Manipur Prince ' Sana Chahi Ahum ' alias Prince Narendrajit alias Prince Ranjit, son of Maharaja Chourjit Singh of Manipur (1803-13) was also transported to Kalapani in the year 1858 for leading the Sepoy Mutiny popularly known as the First War of Indian independence at Cachar, Barak Valley of Assam. Well, that is history. Today, we celebrate the brave hearts who laid down their lives for Manipur.

-  EDITORIAL

First published: 22 Apr 2022, 7:13 pm

Tags: Bir Tikendrajit Thangal General Khongjom War Memorial Complex Khongjom Day Kalapani Major Paona Brajabashi Anglo-Manipur War of 1891

IMPHAL, Manipur

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Khongjom (Khonjem) Parva

Every culture and society has their own ingenuous ways of commemorating the legacies of their ancestors. The Khongjom War Memorial Complex, located in the Thoubal district of Manipur, is a monument which commemorates the brave hearts who sacrificed their lives in the Anglo-Manipur War (1891). On the contrary, the Khongjom Parva, is an intangible heritage, a ballad which is a musical narration of the War. The Anglo-Manipur was fought between the British forces and the Manipur Kingdom, and the Battle of Khongjom was one of the fiercest battles fought. The Khongjom Parva has had a musical legacy of over 120 years. Its origins could be traced back to the aftermath of the Anglo-Manipur War to Dhobi Leinou, who had witnessed the war. The Khongjom Parva artists are not only excellent singers; they are also skilled dholak players. They narrate episodes from the war and glorify the sacrifice of the brave hearts. Besides, they also narrate historic, legendary and mythological episodes from Rāmāyaṇa, Mahābhārata, exploits of the kings of Manipur and folk epic Khambi-Thoibi, amongst others. A significant part of the intangible heritage of the society and culture of Manipur, the Khongjom Parva is a musical legacy which conscious people, organizations and the state of Manipur is attempting to honor and continue for posterity.

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Khongjom Day: State government pays homage to martyrs of Anglo-Manipur war

Rich tributes were paid to the martyrs across Manipur and the state function was organised at the Khongjom War Memorial Complex in Thoubal district, about 40 km from Imphal.

Manipur paid homage to the martyrs of 1891 Anglo-Manipur War, the last battle fought between the erstwhile Kingdom of Manipur and the British Empire, Saturday.

To commemorate the sacrifices of Manipuri warriors, the state government observes “Khongjom Day” on March 23 every year.

Their valour and nationalism will be fondly remembered and inspire the generations to come In memory of our forefathers’ undying love and sacrifice for Manipur, I salute them today and everyday. pic.twitter.com/8vJIorvpOY — N.Biren Singh (@NBirenSingh) April 23, 2022

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The Khongjom Day observance began with a gun salute at the samadhi of Paona Brajabasi, who sacrificed his life during the final battle. Floral tributes were paid and traditional rituals including tarpan performed at Khongjom River.

Manipur Governor La Ganesan, Chief Minister N Biren Singh, ministers, MLAs and other top officials of the government attended the event.

“The sacrifices made by our forefathers should always be remembered and honoured. We should follow their footsteps and their dignity should remain protected. Conquering the hearts of the people is also a unique characteristic of our leaders and we should learn from them,” Governor Ganesan said, adding that people should know the reason behind the observance of Khongjom Day.

CM Singh said the history of Manipur and the sacrifices made by “our forefathers will always remain in our hearts”. The historical site of Khongjom, particularly Tengol Lampak, will be beautified and upgraded soon, he added.

The chief minister further said “the call of Nation First given by our leaders should be followed. Being a federal country, the respect accorded to the states by the Centre is worth appreciating. The renaming of Mount Harriet in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands as Mount Manipur by Union Home Minister Amit Shah is a prime example of respect given to Manipur by the Centre,” Singh added.

Khongjom Lal, a play based on the battle of Khongjom, was performed by the artists of the Art and Culture Department Saturday. Khongjom Parba, a traditional folk song depicting the Khongjom battle, was also sung on the occasion at the memorial complex.

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The Battle of Khongjom and Manipur’s fighting spirit

Battle of Khongjom

About 40 km from Imphal , Khongjom War Memorial complex in Thoubal district of Manipur is a historically significant site where the greatest of battle of Anglo-Manipur War was fought in 1891 .

The war memorial complex was developed commemorating the sacrifices of Manipuri warriors who fought against the British Imperialists. Every year, on April 23, the Khongjom Day is celebrated. Martyrs of Anglo-Manipur war  are being paid homage. 

Khongjom was hallowed ground on which the last battle on Indian soil was fought in 1891 against British Imperialists who won the battle.

Manipur became the last nation in the Indian Sub-continent to come under the British Empire after the battle. 

The British annexation of princely states that began with the Battle of Plassey in 1757 ended with the Battle of Khongjom.

Khongjom Day has immense significance for the people of Manipur. On April 23, 1891, a battle for Manipur’s freedom was fought, after which it became the last princely state in the Indian sub-continent to come under the British Empire. The war lasted between 31 March and 27 April 1891 and ended in a British victory.

Key Takeaways

• Khongjom War Memorial  complex is in Thoubal district of Manipur.
• War Memorial  complex is about 40 km from  Imphal.
• Manipur became the last nation in the  Indian Sub-continent  to come under the British Empire after the battle. 
• The  British  annexation of princely states that began with the Battle of Plassey in  1757  ended with the  Battle of Khongjom in 1891.

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Forgotten Indian History

Paona Brajabashi: Manipur soldier who declared war against the British becoming a great epitome of Freedom Fighter: 3rd Battle of Anglo Manipur War

The establishment of European colonizers is the starting of India’s Modern History. The period from the 15th century to the 20 th century of Indian history is full of heroic resistance put up by the native Indians to stop the advancement of these European powers.   

These Europeans especially the East Indian Company of the British Empire initially presented themselves as traders and merchants to hide their evil motives of subjugating the vast wealth and resources of India. The British stealthily started their expansion in India and with the primary aim of capturing the rich and fertile region of Bengal.

The major event which marked the rule of EIC in India was the battle of Buxar (in 1765 CE). It was after this battle the British were given the administrative and financial rights to control Bengal. Swiftly after it, the British started to exploit the peasants through their draconian laws and tax policies.

Kingdom after kingdom joined the suzerainty of this alien rule and those who refused were slaughtered in cold blood. While the expansion of the British Raj in India is well known but one fact that is missing or erased is the anecdotes of those heroes of this country who refused to surrender in front of the British Raj and put up a valiant resistance to protect their motherland.

When we talk about the personalities who led an armed insurrection against the British the first incident that strikes our mind is the sepoy mutiny of 1857. Some revolutionaries also put up gallant resistance against the British Raj but these names are very few and we stuck in an unending cycle of finding the names of those who lay down their lives to free their country from alien rule.

As a citizen of this county whether from North, South, East of West we all are familiar with the names of Lakshmi Bai, Bhagat Singh, Netaji , Chandrashekhar Azad, etc who fought against the British Raj for the freedom of this country.

But what about North-East India? Was there any freedom fighter? Or should we say that just like we had ignored our northeastern states and their people whether from our country’s map or from our society we had ignored those freedom fighters too who hailed from the northeast?

The names of Rani Gaidinliu , U Tirot Sing , and many more had been completely wiped out from textbooks. In this article, we will cover the story of Manipur General and his army of 300 men who declare war against the British in 1891.

The name of his forgotten freedom fighter is Major Paona Brajabashi .

Background: Early History of Manipur  

From ancient times the land of Manipur is the home of the Meitei people. It is believed that from the 1 st century BCE these people are living on these terrains having the ethnicity of East Asian and Indo-European.

Note: Manipuri text Cheitharol Kumbaba speaks of the 9 different clans of the Meitei, which later merged into 7.

King Loiyumba is the founder of the Meitei kingdom who is believed to have founded it around the 12th century CE. Furthermore, in the 15th century, these Meitei tribes came in contact with the Burma tribes and this led to marriage alliances between the two.

In the year 1714, the King of Manipur Meidingu Pamheiba adopted Hinduism and even declared it as the state religion and changed his own name to Gharib Nawaz .

Note: 1724 – The Sanskrit name “Manipur” (abode of jewels) was adopted as the name of the state.

At this time the relation between the Burmese Empire and the Meitei became bitter and several conflicts took place between them. After the death of Gharib Nawaz, the Konbaug Burmese Empire invaded Manipur.

Due to this Meitei king Jai Singh (ChingThang Khomba) decided to take help from the East India Company to drive back the invaders. A treaty was signed between EIC and the Manipur king to drive the Burmese away.

Note: EIC troops later withdrawn, leaving Manipur to defend itself on its own.

These incursions from the Burmese continued later in the 19 th century and in the year 1824 Gambhir Singh (Chinglen Nongdrenkhomba) again asked EIC for help against the Burmese. This led to the Anglo Burmese War from 1824-1826 which ended in the Treaty of Yadambo and the establishment of Manipur as an independent state.

Colonial Era

Gambhir Singh signed the subsidiary alliance and accepted British suzerainty. Due to this EIC established its foothold in Manipur politics. But after the death of King Gambhir, there was political chaos in the Manipur Kingdom and for more than 50 years, this political struggle continued.

The British were closely observing these incidents and in 1835 they established British residency in Imphal to facilitate communication between the British and the rulers of Manipur. The influence of the British became out of control and due to this, a leader emerged in Manipur politics to stop the influence of the British. His name was Senapati Tikendrajit.

The British looked towards Tikendrajit as a threat to their plan and they took every step to stop him. With the death of Maharajah Chandrakirti in 1886, there was a struggle for the throne of the Manipur. Maharaja Surchandra then ascended the throne but he was a weak and ineffective ruler who had sided with the British.

Due to this Crown prince, Kulachandra, and the Senapati i.e. Tikendrajit revolted against King Surchandra. Due to this Maharaja Surchandra appealed to the British Viceroy (Lord Lansdowne) for help.

In return, Lord Lansdowne sent JW Quinton the Chief Commissioner of Assam with 400 soldiers under Colonel skene to capture Tikendrajit. Quinton arrived in Manipur in 1891 with 400 force Gurkha soldiers. Their main aim was to capture the Senapati and declare Kulachandra as the king of Manipur.

The British organized a darbar in which king Kulachandra came but Tikendrajit didn’t. Due to this, the British declare war against the Manipur kingdom. On 22 March 1891, the British attacked Kangla. But this plan of the British backfired and 5 commanders were killed along with JW Quinton. However heavy casualties were inflicted on the Manipuri soldiers who were fighting with traditional weapons.

This enraged the British army and on 31 March 1891, the British sent 3 huge forces to attack Manipur. These forces were under the command of Major General H.Collet, Colonel RHF Rennick, and Brigadier General T.Graham.  

When the British captured Toubal village the outnumbered Manipur soldiers decided to retreat. But on 1 April around 2000 Manipur Soldiers laid siege to the village. But the siege was lifted by the reinforcements of the British army. On 23 April the British killed Poila Meiraba.

Battle of Khongjom : Paona Brajabashi and his 400 Men

This was the final battle of the Anglo Manipur war which was fought on 25 th April 1891. This battle was fought on the southern part of Manipur between the forces of Brigadier General T Graham and the forces of Paona Brajabashi.

The enemy’s shell can land in our camp whereas ours cannot in theirs. My fellow countrymen! It is a disgrace to die fleeing. Death is now certain for us. But we will never retreat: 

…………….. Paona Brajabashi

Paona Brajabashi and his 400 men reached Thoubal located on the western side of the Khongjom River. The British in return captured Pallel, and Kakching. On 23 April the British used their heavy artillery to destroy the Manipuri camps. 

After this artillery attack, the British army moved to Khongjom hill. This was the place where the 400 Manipuri soldiers showed their valor and indomitable courage.

The Manipur forces under Paona Brajabashi and Chongtha Mia attacked the British forces and killed many of them. The British witnessed stiff resistance despite being superior to the Manipuri men and ammunition.

One by one Manipuri soldier attained martyrdom and it is believed that Paona Brajabashi kept fighting despite being badly wounded.

At that time almost all of the Manipuri soldiers had attained martyrdom and only Paona Brajabashi continued fighting. Seeing the bravery of Major Paona Brigadier General T.Graham offered him to join the British army or chose death if he refused.

But Paona Brajabashi said refused and attained martyrdom there. Soon after this Manipur was captured by the British and the flag of Union Jack was hoisted on Kangla Palace.

Today, 13th August is commemorated as “Patriots Day” by the people of Manipur. While the northeastern people suffer from the acts of Racism it is our duty to tell the young generations to know more about the Heroes of North East India who lay down their lives for this country.

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Khongjom War Memorial Complex

The first bullet of the war was fired by the British on the 24th March, 1891, without any provocation from the Manipuris. In the days fighting at the capital of Manipur, about 50 Manipuris including Pukhramba Tanka, Khumbong Subedar, Leisang Jamadar and Athokpa Dewan sacrificed their lives. Two Tangkhuls were also among those killed in hand to hand fight. Lt. Brackenbary and some sepoys of the British Army lost their lives on the side of the British. In the aftermath of the palace attack, owing to the demand of the Manipuri masses, seven unguarded British Officers were killed.

But surprisingly, on the 4th April, 1891, the Manipuris released 51 arrested Hindustani sepoys (Indian sepoys in the British Army) giving them Rs. 5 each for their journey to respective places. Therefore, the disposition of the Manipuri masses towards the Hindustani sepoys of the British Army was different. Earlier, in the First War of Indian Independence-1857, the Manipuri masses were also psychologically on the side of the Hindustani rebels. After the events of the 24th March, the British Indian Government sent three powerful British Armies to Manipur from the side of Kohima,Tamu and Silchar and continued the war.

The Battle of Khongjom was the greatest battle of the Anglo-Manipur War. Great freedom fighters-Major Paona Brajabasi, Chinglen Sana, Khumbong Major, Loitongba Jamadar, Keisa Jamadar, Heirang Khongja and many more rank and files of Manipuri warriors sacrificed their lives at this battlefield.

Lamding Mamang Leikai, Thoubal, Manipur 795148

Photo Gallery

How to Reach:

Bir Tikendrajit International Airport Address Imphal International Airport National Highway 150 Imphal, Manipur 795140Enquiries Number: 91 385 245 5069

By Rail:- Apart from a narrow gauge rail line, Manipur doesnot have a railhead. Thus, the nearest railway station to Thoubal is in Dimapur located 230 kilometres away. Regular trains connect Dimapur to Guwahati the most important railway station and north-eastern city. From Dimapur, taxis and buses are regularly available for Thoubal.

By Road:- National Highway 102 Imphal-Moreh Road. Apart from state transport buses, private taxis also ply on this route and can easily be availed by tourists.

Khongjom Day: Observed To Pay Tribute To Fighter Of Anglo-Manipuri War

In Manipur, Khongjom Day is observed on April 23 to honour the brave souls who fought against the British in the Khongjom Battle of the Anglo-Manipuri War in 1891 .

• The state of Manipur recently observed Khongjom Day in remembrance of those who lost their lives in the Khongjom Battle during the Anglo-Manipuri War of 1891. The observation took place at the Khongjom War Memorial Complex located at Kheba Ching in the Thoubal district. 
• The event was attended by high-profile individuals such as the Manipur Governor Sushri Anusuiya Uikey, Chief Minister N. Biren Singh, cabinet ministers, MLAs, and top civil and police officers. Additionally, a large number of people joined the observation to pay their respects. 
• During the observation ceremony, the Governor and Chief Minister laid floral wreaths, followed by a guard of honour, a general salute, reverse arms, the sounding of the last post, and a two-minute silence. 
• The ceremony was held in different parts of the state, and it was a solemn reminder of the bravery and sacrifice of those who fought for their country.

Anglo- Manipuri War of 1891

• The Anglo-Manipuri War of 1891 is a significant event in Manipur's history. During the war, the tiny kingdom of Manipur fought against the British colonial expansion, and many people lost their lives trying to protect their motherland's dignity and honour. 
• Despite their brave efforts, the Manipuri armies were defeated at the Battle of Khongjom. 
• Following this, Manipur lost its sovereignty to the British. Later, on August 13, 1891, Yubraj Tikendrajit and Thangal General, two martyrs of Manipur, were hanged in front of the public at Pheidabung, now known as Bir Tikendrajit Park. 
• This was a shocking incident for the people of Manipur. Every year on August 13, the Manipuris observe Patriots' Day as a tribute to those martyrs. It is a day to honour their bravery and love for their motherland.

Q1. In which state of India Khongjom Day is celebrated?

Q2. why is khongjom day celebrated, q3. when is khongjom day celebrated, q4. when was the anglo-manipuri war fought, today's article, related articles.

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Khongjom Day: Remembering the Valiant Fighters of Anglo-Manipuri War

In Manipur, Khongjom Day is observed on April 23 to pay homage to the brave souls who fought against the British in the Khongjom Battle during the Anglo-Manipuri War of 1891.

In Manipur, Khongjom Day is observed on April 23 to pay homage to the brave souls who fought against the British in the Khongjom Battle during the Anglo-Manipuri War of 1891. This day holds great significance in the history of Manipur, as it commemorates the valor and sacrifice of those who laid down their lives to protect their homeland.

The Khongjom Battle and Anglo-Manipuri War

The Anglo-Manipuri War of 1891 was a pivotal event in Manipur’s history. During this war, the tiny kingdom of Manipur bravely fought against the British colonial expansion. Despite their courageous efforts, the Manipuri armies were eventually defeated at the Battle of Khongjom, leading to the loss of Manipur’s sovereignty to the British.

Observing Khongjom Day

This year, the state of Manipur observed Khongjom Day with a solemn ceremony at the Khongjom War Memorial Complex located at Kheba Ching in the Thoubal district. The event was attended by high-ranking officials, including the Manipur Governor Sushri Anusuiya Uikey, Chief Minister N. Biren Singh, cabinet ministers, MLAs, and top civil and police officers. A large number of people also joined the observation to pay their respects.

During the ceremony, the Governor and Chief Minister laid floral wreaths, followed by a guard of honor, a general salute, reverse arms, the sounding of the last post, and a two-minute silence. Similar ceremonies were held in different parts of the state, serving as a solemn reminder of the bravery and sacrifice of those who fought for their country.

Honouring the Martyrs

The Anglo-Manipuri War of 1891 also witnessed the martyrdom of two prominent figures, Yubraj Tikendrajit and Thangal General. On August 13, 1891, they were hanged in front of the public at Pheidabung, now known as Bir Tikendrajit Park. This shocking incident deeply impacted the people of Manipur.

To honour these martyrs and their love for their motherland, the Manipuris observe Patriots’ Day every year on August 13. It is a day to pay tribute to their bravery and unwavering spirit in the face of adversity.

Preserving History and Inspiring Future Generations

The observance of Khongjom Day and Patriots’ Day serves as a powerful reminder of Manipur’s rich history and the sacrifices made by its people to protect their homeland. These important days not only honor the past but also inspire future generations to uphold the values of courage, patriotism, and the willingness to fight for their beliefs.

By remembering and celebrating the heroic deeds of those who fought in the Anglo-Manipuri War, the people of Manipur ensure that their legacy lives on, instilling a sense of pride and resilience in the face of challenges.

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PATRIOTS’ DAY: Remembering the Fallen Heroes of Anglo-Manipuri War Reading Time : 7 minutes -->

The Anglo- Manipuri War of 1891 is one of the most important events in the history of Manipur. In the war against the British colonial expansion, many martyrs of the tiny kingdom of Manipur laid down their lives to save the dignity, honour and sovereignty of their motherland despite the inevitable defeat against the mighty empire of the British. After the graceful defeat at the Battle of Khongjom where the Manipuri armies fought gallantly under Major Paona Brajabashi, Manipur lost its sovereignty to the British. And, on the fateful day of 13th August 1891, martyrs of Manipur- Yubraj Tikendrajit, Thangal General were hanged in front of the public at Pheidabung, presently known as Bir Tikendrajit park. That was one of the most shocking incidents the people of Manipur witnessed in its history.  Patriots’ Day is observed every year on August 13 with the highest kind of tribute and honour the Manipuris can pay to those martyrs in remembrance of their bravery and love of their motherland.

The course of Anglo Manipuri War

  Manipur ended its dark history of Seven Years’ Devastation and regained its freedom from the Burmese forces with the help of the British in the year 1826. After the Anglo-Burmese war, Manipur was placed under the protection of British officials with payment of taxes in return, with Gambhir Singh being recognized as Raja of Manipur. The office of British Political Agent was established in Manipur in 1835 to promote friendly relations between Manipur and the British. This marked the beginning of British colonialism in Manipur. The frequent internal conflicts of palace intrigues and coups allowed the power of the Political Agent to rise and this British office turned out to be the de facto administrator of the state.

After the death of Maharaja Chandrakirti, his son Surchandra became the king with Kullachandra as the Yubraj( crown prince) and Tikendrajit as the Senapati. But the princes were divided into two parties animated by hostile feelings towards one another for the post of the king. Backed by Tikendrajit, Kullachandra revolted against the reigning Maharaja Surchandra on 12th September 1890. Surchandra fled to the residence of the Political Agent, Mr Grimwood and informed him that he had formally abdicated the throne in favour of his brother Kulachandra and decided to retire to Brindavan. On the same day when Surchandra left for Brindavan, Kullachandra became the king of Manipur with Tikendrajit as Yubraj, on 23rd September 1890. While Kulachandra was not formally recognised by the British crown as the king of Manipur, Surchandra complained to the then Viceroy, Lord Landsdown when he reached Calcutta that he had been dethroned by his stepbrothers mainly backed and engineered by Tikendrajit. This prompted the British to arrest Tikendrajit sensing his potential and signs indicative of shaking off the yoke of dependence on the British officials.

With the order of the Viceroy to arrest Tikendrajit, the Chief Commissioner of Assam, Mr Quinton arrived at Imphal on 22nd March 1890 with 400 Gorkha soldiers under Colonel Skene. Mr Quinton informed Kullachandra of the intention of the British government that Kullachandra would be recognised as the king of Manipur while Tikendrajit had to be exiled. Kullachandra was asked to hand over Tikendrajit to the British to which Kullachandra refused. This led the British force to enter the house of Tikendrajit without declaring war and attacked Kangla, the palace of Manipur on 24th March 1891. The unprecedented and unjust act of the British caused the death of a large number of innocent people, including women and children besides heavy casualties and bloodshed on both sides. To come to a peaceful concord between the two sides, Chief Commissioner Quinton, Political Agent Grimwood, Col. Skene, Cossin and Lt. Simpson went to the palace the next day, unarmed and without escorts. When the British officers returned and moved towards the gate, they were attacked by the agitated crowd. Pukhramba Kajao speared Grimwood as an act of impulse and Lt. Simpson was also badly injured. At the demand of the agitated crowd, General Thangal gave the order to the public executioner to kill the British officers and all the British officers were beheaded in front of the Kanglasa .

As soon as the news reached Calcutta on 31st March 1891, the Government of British India declared war against Manipur and sent very large columns of their Army from three directions, one from the north through Kohima under the command of their Major General H.Collett, who was also the overall Commander of the British Forces, advanced for operations in Manipur, another column advanced from the west from Silcher under the command of Colonel RHF Rennick and the third column came from the south from Tamu, Burma(Myanmar) under the command of Brigadier General T. Graham. The British column that advanced from Tamu met the stiffest resistance from the Manipuris at Khongjom while the column that advanced from the west did not have much resistance and broke through to finally take possession of ‘Kangla’ the palace of Manipur. On 27th April 1891, all the three British columns occupied Imphal, the capital of Manipur sounding the death knell of whatever sovereign power Manipur had enjoyed.

After the British troop occupied Manipur, the Government of British India constituted a court to try Kullachandra, Tikendrajit, Thangal and many others. Kullachandra, Tikendrajit and Thangal were sentenced to death but the death sentence of Kullachandra was commuted to transportation for life and forfeiture of property.  Amidst the massive protest from the people, Tikendrajit and Thangal were hanged to death on 13th August 1891. Besides them, Pukhramba Kajao, Niranjan Subedar and Chirai Naga were also hanged in jail on 25th May, 8th June and 13th October of the same year respectively.

Patriots’ Day is observed every year on 13th August in remembrance of those brave sons of Manipur who chose death over surrendering the sovereignty of their motherland to the British and laid down their lives gracefully. The story of bravery and patriotism of those heroes still keeps on instilling the love of their motherland upon the hearts of generations of Manipuris.

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Khongjom war memorial.

Thoubal, Manipur

September 07, 2022

Manipur pays homage to the martyrs of the 1891 Anglo-Manipur War , the last battle fought between the erstwhile Kingdom of Manipur and the British Empire on 23 March every year. This day is observed as “ Khongjom Day ”. The Khongjom Day observance begins with a gun salute at the samadhi of Paona Brajabasi, who sacrificed his life during the final battle. Floral tributes were paid and traditional rituals including tarpan performed at Khongjom River. Tributes are paid to Bravehearts who sacrificed their lives, fighting for the dignity of Manipur in the 1891 Manipur-Anglo War.

The Anglo-Manipuri war or the Khongjom Battle broke out in 1891. Attempting to resist British forces marching from Tamu (on the border between Manipur and Myanmar today), 400 Manipuri soldiers were dispatched to Thoubal led by Major Paona Brajabashi, a brave soldier of the kingdom of Manipur. Historians describe this as the fiercest battle against the British in Indian history.

Paona Brajabasi, known as Paonam Naol Singh in their childhood was born on 20 December 1823. He became an expert in riding, fencing, and freehand combat. In 1850 he came to Vrindavan to conduct the last rites of his father. In those days it was extremely difficult to make a journey from the northeast to the Hindi heartland. After six years he returned to Manipur and joined king Chandrakirti Singh’s army. As he had travelled to the land of Braj, Vrindavan, he was called Brajabasi.

It was 23 April 1891  when many Bravehearts including Paona Brajbasi fell in the battle. An eyewitness of Paona’s bravery was so moved that he broke into song when talking about it. This ballad style of the song came to be known as Khongjom Parva and is now an integral part of Manipur culture.

Source: CCRT, Ministry of Culture, Govt. of India

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Earlier this month, however, when hundreds of people gathered in downtown Cairo to demonstrate in solidarity with Gaza, Egyptian security officers swooped in, arresting 14 protesters, according to their lawyer. Back in October, the government had organized pro-Palestinian rallies of its own. Yet at those, too, it detained dozens of people after protesters chanted slogans critical of the government. More than 50 of them remain behind bars, their lawyers say.

It was a pattern that has repeated itself around the region since Israel, responding to an attack by Hamas, began a six-month war in Gaza: Arab citizens’ grief and fury over Gaza’s plight running headlong into official repression when that outrage takes aim at their own leaders. In some countries, even public display of pro-Palestinian sentiment is enough to risk arrest.

Out of step with their people on matters of economic opportunity and political freedoms, some governments in the Arab world have long faced added discontent over their ties with Israel and its chief backer, the United States. Now the Gaza war — and what many Arabs see as their own governments’ complicity — has driven an old wedge between rulers and the ruled with new force .

Morocco is prosecuting dozens of people arrested at pro-Palestinian protests or detained for social media posts criticizing the kingdom’s rapprochement with Israel. In Saudi Arabia, which is pursuing a normalization deal with Israel, and the United Arab Emirates, which has already struck one, the authorities have displayed such hypersensitivity to any hint of opposition that many people are too frightened to speak on the issue.

And Jordan’s government, caught between its majority-Palestinian population and its close cooperation with Israel and the United States, has arrested at least 1,500 people since early October, according to Amnesty International. That includes about 500 in March, when huge protests were held outside the Israeli Embassy in Amman.

Afterward, the president of the Jordanian Senate, Faisal al-Fayez, said that his country “ will not accept that demonstrations and protests turn into platforms for discord.”

Arab autocracies rarely tolerate dissent. But activism around the Palestinian cause is particularly thorny.

For decades, Arab activists have linked the struggle for justice for the Palestinians — a cause that unites Arabs of different political persuasions from Marrakesh to Baghdad — to the struggle for greater rights and freedoms at home. For them, Israel was an avatar of the authoritarian and colonialist forces that had thwarted their own societies’ growth.

“What’s happening to the Palestinian people clarifies the foundation of the problem for Arabs everywhere, that the problem is tyranny,” said Abdurrahman Sultan, a 36-year-old Kuwaiti who has participated in sit-ins in support of the Palestinian cause since the war began.

Kuwait initially tolerated some of the sit-ins. But for some Arab governments, the connection evokes peril. Palestinian flags were a common sight at the Arab Spring protests that swept the region in 2011. In Egypt, where since taking power in 2013 President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi has quelled protest and muffled most criticism, the authorities are ever mindful that activism can quickly boomerang against them.

“Today they’re out to protest for Palestine; tomorrow they might protest against him himself — the president,” said Nabeh Ganady, 30, a human rights lawyer who represents the 14 activists arrested at the April 3 protest in Cairo.

The message, said Mahienor El-Massry, a human rights lawyer who joined the demonstration, “is that people shouldn’t even dream that there exists any margin for freedoms or for democracy, and that you should never gain confidence and then move toward bigger demands.”

Ms. El-Massry was arrested along with 10 other protesters during a smaller solidarity protest outside United Nations offices in Cairo last Tuesday, according to Ahmed Douma, a well-known Egyptian activist. They were later released.

In interviews conducted around Egypt, Morocco and Persian Gulf countries — including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Oman and Kuwait — many citizens described the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in stark terms, viewing the Palestinian cause as a struggle for justice, Israel as a symbol of oppression and, in some cases, their rulers’ dealings with Israel as morally bankrupt.

Coming after agreements by Bahrain, Morocco and the United Arab Emirates to normalize ties with Israel, along with Saudi steps toward following suit, the war has galvanized outrage in those countries toward not only Israel but also Arab leaders willing to work with it.

“If you’re willing to sell that, and sell those people out — sell yourself out — what’s next? What else is for sale?” said Salem, an Emirati in his 20s who asked to be identified by a middle name, given the Emirati authorities’ record of punishing dissent.

Governments that signed agreements with Israel have often described the decision as a step toward greater regional dialogue and interfaith tolerance . In February, the Emirati government said in a statement to The New York Times that keeping its diplomatic ties with Israel open was “important in difficult times.”

But because of hostility or, at best, indifference toward Israel in the broader Arab public, there is a “direct, necessary connection” between authoritarianism and the signing of such agreements, said Marc Lynch, a political science professor focused on the Middle East at George Washington University.

The fact that some gulf Arab states have used Israeli surveillance tools to monitor critics only cements that impression.

“If people had any space to democratically elect or express, they wouldn’t choose to normalize with Israel,” said Maryam AlHajri, a Qatari sociologist and anti-normalization activist.

Many Arab governments have tried to tame or harness popular anger with heated rhetoric condemning Israel over the war. Yet they see too many practical benefits to ties with Israel to renege on peace deals, analysts said.

Egypt, the first Arab country to make peace with Israel, has developed a close security partnership with its neighbor over years of jointly combating militancy in northern Sinai. Egypt and Israel have also worked together to blockade Gaza to contain Hamas, whose brand of militant political Islamism Egypt considers a threat. And Egypt needs Israel’s cooperation to prevent a huge influx of Palestinian refugees from Gaza.

Gulf monarchies, including Saudi Arabia and the Emirates, which have for years faced attacks by Iran-backed groups, have long maintained back-channel security connections with Israel, which sees Iran as its greatest threat. That enemy-of-my-enemy arrangement paved the way for normalization talks later on, and critiques of those initiatives are rare since many gulf monarchies effectively ban all forms of protest and political organizing.

H.A. Hellyer, a Middle East security expert at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, said governments were “trying to thread a line between that anger, which I think is very genuinely felt, across all sectors of Arab societies, and what those states interpret as their national security considerations.”

In the past, some of the region’s leaders permitted their frustrated populations to blow off steam with pro-Palestinian and anti-Israel activism. But now that the suffering in Gaza implicates Arab governments in the eyes of many of their citizens, the chants tread on sensitive territory.

Some Egyptians have criticized their government for, among other things, allowing Israel any say over the delivery of desperately needed aid into Gaza through a border crossing in Egypt. And since October, Moroccans have gathered for large, near-daily solidarity demonstrations in about 40 cities that bring together leftists and Islamists, young and old, men and women.

Mostly, the authorities have left them alone. But a few protests have been repressed, according to rights groups and witnesses, and dozens of protesters have been arrested, including a group of 13 in the city of Sale and an activist named Abdul Rahman Zankad, who had criticized Morocco’s normalization agreement with Israel on Facebook.

Mr. Zankad was sentenced to five years in prison this month.

“People are arrested simply for voicing their opinions,” said Serroukh Mohammed, a lawyer in the port city of Tangier and a member of an Islamist political organization. Moroccans will continue to protest, he said, as long as their government defies popular sentiment to maintain ties with Israel.

Representatives for the governments of Egypt and Morocco did not respond to requests for comment.

For Arabs like Mr. Sultan, from Kuwait, the absence of popular support for relations with Israel means any normalization agreements are doomed to fail.

“To make peace, you need regimes and governments that represent their people, that are elected,” he said.

Aida Alami contributed reporting from Rabat, Morocco.

Vivian Yee is a Times reporter covering North Africa and the broader Middle East. She is based in Cairo. More about Vivian Yee

Vivian Nereim is the lead reporter for The Times covering the countries of the Arabian Peninsula. She is based in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. More about Vivian Nereim

Our Coverage of the Israel-Hamas War

News and Analysis

Rebuilding all the homes destroyed by Israel’s military offensive in the Gaza Strip could take until the next century  if the pace of reconstruction were to match what it was after wars there in 2014 and 2021, according to a United Nations report.

A Hamas leader said that the group would soon send a delegation to Cairo to “complete ongoing discussions”  on a cease-fire deal for the war in the Gaza Strip, raising hopes of progress in the stalled efforts for a truce.

Israeli officials weigh sharing power with the Arab states in a postwar Gaza, which will likely displease both Israel’s right-wing faction and many Arab states. But it does signal that Israel is thinking about the future , and it could inform future talks.

No Palestinian Flags at Eurovision: The organizers of the Eurovision Song Contest, a glitzy singing contest, said that attendees would be allowed to wave  only the flags of participating nations — including Israel’s.

Nonviolent Resistance in the West Bank: Issa Amro, a Palestinian activist who has been arrested and beaten for simple acts of defiance, is aiming to emulate Gandhi  at a time when violence is inescapable.

Campus Protests in the U.S.: On quads and lawns from coast to coast, U.S. colleges are grappling with a groundswell of student activism  over Israel’s military campaign in Gaza. Administrators are having to make controversial decisions .

Cracking Down on Protests: Grief and rage over the Gaza war and Israel have led to demonstrations across the Arab world. Arrests suggest governments fear the outrage could boomerang .

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In the campus protests over the war in Gaza, language and rhetoric are—as they have always been when it comes to Israel and Palestine—weapons of mass destruction.

By Zadie Smith

A philosophy without a politics is common enough. Aesthetes, ethicists, novelists—all may be easily critiqued and found wanting on this basis. But there is also the danger of a politics without a philosophy. A politics unmoored, unprincipled, which holds as its most fundamental commitment its own perpetuation. A Realpolitik that believes itself too subtle—or too pragmatic—to deal with such ethical platitudes as thou shalt not kill. Or: rape is a crime, everywhere and always. But sometimes ethical philosophy reënters the arena, as is happening right now on college campuses all over America. I understand the ethics underpinning the protests to be based on two widely recognized principles:

There is an ethical duty to express solidarity with the weak in any situation that involves oppressive power.

If the machinery of oppressive power is to be trained on the weak, then there is a duty to stop the gears by any means necessary.

The first principle sometimes takes the “weak” to mean “whoever has the least power,” and sometimes “whoever suffers most,” but most often a combination of both. The second principle, meanwhile, may be used to defend revolutionary violence, although this interpretation has just as often been repudiated by pacifistic radicals, among whom two of the most famous are, of course, Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr . In the pacifist’s interpretation, the body that we must place between the gears is not that of our enemy but our own. In doing this, we may pay the ultimate price with our actual bodies, in the non-metaphorical sense. More usually, the risk is to our livelihoods, our reputations, our futures. Before these most recent campus protests began, we had an example of this kind of action in the climate movement. For several years now, many people have been protesting the economic and political machinery that perpetuates climate change, by blocking roads, throwing paint, interrupting plays, and committing many other arrestable offenses that can appear ridiculous to skeptics (or, at the very least, performative), but which in truth represent a level of personal sacrifice unimaginable to many of us.

I experienced this not long ago while participating in an XR climate rally in London. When it came to the point in the proceedings where I was asked by my fellow-protesters whether I’d be willing to commit an arrestable offense—one that would likely lead to a conviction and thus make travelling to the United States difficult or even impossible—I’m ashamed to say that I declined that offer. Turns out, I could not give up my relationship with New York City for the future of the planet. I’d just about managed to stop buying plastic bottles (except when very thirsty) and was trying to fly less. But never to see New York again? What pitiful ethical creatures we are (I am)! Falling at the first hurdle! Anyone who finds themselves rolling their eyes at any young person willing to put their own future into jeopardy for an ethical principle should ask themselves where the limits of their own commitments lie—also whether they’ve bought a plastic bottle or booked a flight recently. A humbling inquiry.

It is difficult to look at the recent Columbia University protests in particular without being reminded of the campus protests of the nineteen-sixties and seventies, some of which happened on the very same lawns. At that time, a cynical political class was forced to observe the spectacle of its own privileged youth standing in solidarity with the weakest historical actors of the moment, a group that included, but was not restricted to, African Americans and the Vietnamese. By placing such people within their ethical zone of interest, young Americans risked both their own academic and personal futures and—in the infamous case of Kent State—their lives. I imagine that the students at Columbia—and protesters on other campuses—fully intend this echo, and, in their unequivocal demand for both a ceasefire and financial divestment from this terrible war, to a certain extent they have achieved it.

But, when I open newspapers and see students dismissing the idea that some of their fellow-students feel, at this particular moment, unsafe on campus, or arguing that such a feeling is simply not worth attending to, given the magnitude of what is occurring in Gaza, I find such sentiments cynical and unworthy of this movement. For it may well be—within the ethical zone of interest that is a campus, which was not so long ago defined as a safe space, delineated by the boundary of a generation’s ethical ideas— it may well be that a Jewish student walking past the tents, who finds herself referred to as a Zionist, and then is warned to keep her distance, is, in that moment, the weakest participant in the zone. If the concept of safety is foundational to these students’ ethical philosophy (as I take it to be), and, if the protests are committed to reinserting ethical principles into a cynical and corrupt politics, it is not right to divest from these same ethics at the very moment they come into conflict with other imperatives. The point of a foundational ethics is that it is not contingent but foundational. That is precisely its challenge to a corrupt politics.

Practicing our ethics in the real world involves a constant testing of them, a recognition that our zones of ethical interest have no fixed boundaries and may need to widen and shrink moment by moment as the situation demands. (Those brave students who—in supporting the ethical necessity of a ceasefire—find themselves at painful odds with family, friends, faith, or community have already made this calculation.) This flexibility can also have the positive long-term political effect of allowing us to comprehend that, although our duty to the weakest is permanent, the role of “the weakest” is not an existential matter independent of time and space but, rather, a contingent situation, continually subject to change. By contrast, there is a dangerous rigidity to be found in the idea that concern for the dreadful situation of the hostages is somehow in opposition to, or incompatible with, the demand for a ceasefire. Surely a ceasefire—as well as being an ethical necessity—is also in the immediate absolute interest of the hostages, a fact that cannot be erased by tearing their posters off walls.

Part of the significance of a student protest is the ways in which it gives young people the opportunity to insist upon an ethical principle while still being, comparatively speaking, a more rational force than the supposed adults in the room, against whose crazed magical thinking they have been forced to define themselves. The equality of all human life was never a self-evident truth in racially segregated America. There was no way to “win” in Vietnam. Hamas will not be “eliminated.” The more than seven million Jewish human beings who live in the gap between the river and the sea will not simply vanish because you think that they should. All of that is just rhetoric. Words. Cathartic to chant, perhaps, but essentially meaningless. A ceasefire, meanwhile, is both a potential reality and an ethical necessity. The monstrous and brutal mass murder of more than eleven hundred people, the majority of them civilians, dozens of them children, on October 7th, has been followed by the monstrous and brutal mass murder (at the time of writing) of a reported fourteen thousand five hundred children. And many more human beings besides, but it’s impossible not to notice that the sort of people who take at face value phrases like “surgical strikes” and “controlled military operation” sometimes need to look at and/or think about dead children specifically in order to refocus their minds on reality.

To send the police in to arrest young people peacefully insisting upon a ceasefire represents a moral injury to us all. To do it with violence is a scandal. How could they do less than protest, in this moment? They are putting their own bodies into the machine. They deserve our support and praise. As to which postwar political arrangement any of these students may favor, and on what basis they favor it—that is all an argument for the day after a ceasefire. One state, two states, river to the sea—in my view, their views have no real weight in this particular moment, or very little weight next to the significance of their collective action, which (if I understand it correctly) is focussed on stopping the flow of money that is funding bloody murder, and calling for a ceasefire, the political euphemism that we use to mark the end of bloody murder. After a ceasefire, the criminal events of the past seven months should be tried and judged, and the infinitely difficult business of creating just, humane, and habitable political structures in the region must begin anew. Right now: ceasefire. And, as we make this demand, we might remind ourselves that a ceasefire is not, primarily, a political demand. Primarily, it is an ethical one.

But it is in the nature of the political that we cannot even attend to such ethical imperatives unless we first know the political position of whoever is speaking. (“Where do you stand on Israel/Palestine?”) In these constructed narratives, there are always a series of shibboleths, that is, phrases that can’t be said, or, conversely, phrases that must be said. Once these words or phrases have been spoken ( river to the sea, existential threat, right to defend, one state, two states, Zionist, colonialist, imperialist, terrorist ) and one’s positionality established, then and only then will the ethics of the question be attended to (or absolutely ignored). The objection may be raised at this point that I am behaving like a novelist, expressing a philosophy without a politics, or making some rarefied point about language and rhetoric while people commit bloody murder. This would normally be my own view, but, in the case of Israel/Palestine, language and rhetoric are and always have been weapons of mass destruction.

It is in fact perhaps the most acute example in the world of the use of words to justify bloody murder, to flatten and erase unbelievably labyrinthine histories, and to deliver the atavistic pleasure of violent simplicity to the many people who seem to believe that merely by saying something they make it so. It is no doubt a great relief to say the word “Hamas” as if it purely and solely described a terrorist entity. A great relief to say “There is no such thing as the Palestinian people” as they stand in front of you. A great relief to say “Zionist colonialist state” and accept those three words as a full and unimpeachable definition of the state of Israel, not only under the disastrous leadership of Benjamin Netanyahu but at every stage of its long and complex history, and also to hear them as a perfectly sufficient description of every man, woman, and child who has ever lived in Israel or happened to find themselves born within it. It is perhaps because we know these simplifications to be impossible that we insist upon them so passionately. They are shibboleths; they describe a people, by defining them against other people—but the people being described are ourselves. The person who says “We must eliminate Hamas” says this not necessarily because she thinks this is a possible outcome on this earth but because this sentence is the shibboleth that marks her membership in the community that says that. The person who uses the word “Zionist” as if that word were an unchanged and unchangeable monolith, meaning exactly the same thing in 2024 and 1948 as it meant in 1890 or 1901 or 1920—that person does not so much bring definitive clarity to the entangled history of Jews and Palestinians as they successfully and soothingly draw a line to mark their own zone of interest and where it ends. And while we all talk, carefully curating our shibboleths, presenting them to others and waiting for them to reveal themselves as with us or against us—while we do all that, bloody murder.

And now here we are, almost at the end of this little stream of words. We’ve arrived at the point at which I must state clearly “where I stand on the issue,” that is, which particular political settlement should, in my own, personal view, occur on the other side of a ceasefire. This is the point wherein—by my stating of a position—you are at once liberated into the simple pleasure of placing me firmly on one side or the other, putting me over there with those who lisp or those who don’t, with the Ephraimites, or with the people of Gilead. Yes, this is the point at which I stake my rhetorical flag in that fantastical, linguistical, conceptual, unreal place—built with words—where rapes are minimized as needs be, and the definition of genocide quibbled over, where the killing of babies is denied, and the precision of drones glorified, where histories are reconsidered or rewritten or analogized or simply ignored, and “Jew” and “colonialist” are synonymous, and “Palestinian” and “terrorist” are synonymous, and language is your accomplice and alibi in all of it. Language euphemized, instrumentalized, and abused, put to work for your cause and only for your cause, so that it does exactly and only what you want it to do. Let me make it easy for you. Put me wherever you want: misguided socialist, toothless humanist, naïve novelist, useful idiot, apologist, denier, ally, contrarian, collaborator, traitor, inexcusable coward. It is my view that my personal views have no more weight than an ear of corn in this particular essay. The only thing that has any weight in this particular essay is the dead. ♦

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