essays on politics and music

Join our newsletter!

The Intertwined Relationship Between Music And Politics

The very nature of politics is, like music, rooted in conflict and harmony.  The heart of music is the interplay of the physical and the mental, as the compromise between them forms a cohesive whole.  Compromise is also the heart of the political process, trying to find common ground and consensus solutions to problems of society through open communication.  Both seek to inspire their targets, and both have made great use of the other to advance their ideas.  While we encourage you all to go out and vote today, we thought it would be a fine time to examine the way music and politics have become strangely entwined.

The relationship between music and politics has existed for centuries, sometimes harmoniously, and other times not as much.  Historical records are full of examples of songs that laud the achievements of nations, dating all the way back to ancient Egypt. On the other hand, however, songwriters have turned to their craft when confronted with social and political unjustness, and give birth to songs that seek to shine a light on the perceived inequities of the day. From protest songs to voter campaigns, campaign rallies to musical endorsements and musicians campaigning, there’s been no shortage of love between music and politics.

Protest songs

As a form of communication, music has always been used to express opinions about matters of the day.  I’m sure the first caveman quartet did a scathing tune about Ogg’s lack of leadership in the “ Firegate ” debacle.  There have been plenty of songs, jingles mostly, endorsing individual candidates and causes, but it seems  Rather than turn this into a history lesson, we’ll focus on some of the more modern songs that have shaped the musical political climate.  That said, we need to acknowledge a true pioneer of the American musical protest movement, Woody Guthrie .

This Oklahoma born singer-songwriter-poet sang in a plain, dead pan drawl that perfectly captured the message he was speaking of fighting to keep America free.  His guitar often spoke the words for him, with the words “ This Machine Destroys Fascists ” emblazoned across it.  It was a powerful and prescient commentary on the ability music has to rally people to a cause , and Guthrie set a precedent many would follow on the years to come.

Before Guthrie’s rabble-rousing, popular music was very pro-establishment, pro-government and even pro-war.  Though some singers like Billie Holiday managed to sneak issues of civil rights and institutionalized racism into the conversation through songs like “Strange Fruit,” those were rare occasions.  For much of America’s history up to the early fifties, music was primarily a tool of patriotism.  Our own national anthem features evocative imagery of war, bursting bombs and gallantly defended ramparts.  Using uplifting arrangements and calls to national pride, many a man found himself standing in line at the recruitment office, as radio speakers called for them to join the fight “ Over There. ”

Most of the sixties saw America at war, and the music world was the symbolic centerpiece of an anti-establishment movement.  The promise of the beginning of the decade was silenced by gunfire, and the effect that constant strife had on the psyche of the budding musicians across the nation was immeasurable. Voices were raised from every gender, every race asking for equality, freedom and peace.  These songs made an unprecedented leap to the top of the charts, cacallingor the people of America to let go of their old ways; to learn and grow.   Bob Dylan put it best in his classic “ The Times They Are A Changin ‘”

The tumult of the sixties was a direct result of a generation born from the returning soldiers of the second World War.  The horrors endured by their parents turned them against the conflict, but after an entire decade of railing against the military industrial complex and unjust wars abroad, a sense of disillusionment came over the country and the era of the protest song slowly faded away. It’s no wonder that  John Lennon’s  “Give Peace A Chance” became such an anthem at the end of a difficult decade.

The American counterculture war veterans were slowly getting lost in the so called “Me Decade” of self indulgence that was the seventies. Though the flames of protest seemed to cool after the conflagration of the sixties, the fires still burned bright overseas.  In England, a wave of anarchic music gave voice to the growing sentiment of disillusionment and distrust among the increasingly angry youth. Jobs were scarce, especially for the young and untrained.  The combination of youthful energy and lack of any positive release turned the country into a simmering stew of resentment.  Protesters took to the streets, as an increasingly radical populace carried out acts of building aggression towards the elite. Punk rockers the Sex Pistols were born of that rage, and vented it in their seminal hit “ God Save The Queen. ”

Check it out below:

The eighties were a dark time for America, politically.  Populist Republican Ronald Reagan had steamrolled into the Oval Office over Jimmy Carter in a landslide victory.  Carter’s presidency was beset by scandals like the Iranian hostage situation, gas shortages and public perception of him as indecisive.  Reagan’s simple, jingoistic message of recapturing America’s strength and charismatic, fatherly demeanor covered up his indifference to anyone outside of the middle and upper classes.  From his slow reaction to the AIDS outbreaks, allowing the CIA to help worsen the drug epidemic in the inner cities to his economic policies that drained the nations social programs to the needy, the Regan White house did little to help a large portion of his constituents.

As part of his “War On Drugs,” police forces became increasingly militant, sentences for drug crimes became longer and longer and groups like N.W.A spoke the words that had been on the minds of so many for so very long. N.W.A spawned a new wave of hip hop, with socially aware and often violent lyrical content.  Suddenly the people of the inner cities had a voice for protest, and the music was also incredibly popular.  Hip Hop and Rap brought issues of race to the forefront in a new and viceral way.  Thanks to it’s appeal across racial lines, it’s almost impossible to truly judge how important the impact of bringing these topics to the national discussion.  But not all music needs to be for or against something for it to have a profound political impact.

Music For Voting

In 1990 Rock The Vote , a new, non partisan non-profit was founded to promote voter registration among the America’s youth.  Their marketing snazzy blend of big name band and artist endorsements and political activism worked well out of the gate with their debut PSA featuring Madonna in dressed only in her underwear and the American flag.  Check it out below:

With the most popular artists of all genres sharing the same message, a new generation realized that they could be a huge part of the process as well.  In 1992 President Bill Clinton was elected, after garnering a large lead among young voters, thanks, in part, to the 1993 National Voter Registration Act, which gave potential voters a chance to register when they visited the Department Of Motor Vehicles. In 1999 they helped voters across the nation once again, helping create an online registration tool that anyone of age could easily use.  This sort of bipartisan effort to make it easier for folks to do their civic duty is a noble example of the spirit of music being used to help society as a whole.

In 2004, Disco Biscuits bassist Marc Brownstein and his friend Andy Bernstein founded the nationwide non-profit HeadCount.  In many ways, HeadCount was the next logical step forward along the path started by Rock The Vote. This new activist group takes registering to vote to the people, setting up shop at concerts and festivals around the nation. Keeping themselves non-partisan, HeadCount has set up registration booths at concerts and festivals all across the country, using an ever growing army of volunteers who see the value of a politically vocal population. Their methodology is a mix of old school registration booths and canvassing crowds with clipboards and more modern techniques like hosting concerts, on line media campaigns and television ads. The end result, over 300,000 voters registered, is an achievement all involved are proud of.

The good work done by HeadCount hasn’t gone unnoticed by the rest of the music community. The list of artists who have acted as spokespeople and opened space at their shows for the organization reads like a who’s who’s of the music world. A diverse array that includes main stream acts like Jay-Z , Pearl Jam , Tom Petty and Dave Matthews stand alongside Brownstein’s contemporaries from the jam scene like  Phish , String Cheese Incident , and  Umphrey’s McGee. Grateful Dead  guitarist Bob Weir  was an early advocate for HeadCount, appearing in ads, urging his audiences to participate in the election process, and now he serves on the board of directors . 

Here’s fun interview from Marc Brownstein early in the life of the now 12 year old HeadCount:

On The Campaign Trail (Today)

Music is an vital part of every campaign stop.  Every aspect of an election campaign stop is planned down to the tiniest detail.  Candidates and their handlers plan not just what they’re going to say, but HOW they’re going to say it, what clothes they’ll be wearing and exactly what they’ll be standing in front of when they share the message.

From marching bands to rock anthems, candidates from every party seek to stir up the passions of potential voters using music. Any advertising executive will tell you that the right song played at the right moment will subliminally evoke emotions of trust and empathy in the listener.  Music is such a key element of swaying the hearts and minds of people that quite often campaigns will rush to play songs they don’t have permission to play.  It seems like every election cycle features at least one artist having to stop an overzealous candidate with opposing views to stop using their material at their events.

Republican party front runner, real estate developer and reality TV personality Donald Trump is no stranger to stepping on toes.  His brash and arrogant style and controversial proposals have fiercely divided the country, and in his efforts to draw more people to his constituency, he’s made a few enemies, as well as a surprising friend or two.  Adele , one of the world’s biggest recording artists in the world, joined Neil Young , REM and Aerosmith in asking Trump campaign to stop using their music at his rallies. In the past, image conscious candidates would quickly back down when artists would make such requests, but not Trump. His response was pure him…he continued using her material for a few more days, presumably turning up the volume while giving them a one fingered salute.

Not all of the artists who’ve made the music Trump’s been using are upset, mind you. While Twisted Sister lead singer Dee Snider has said he doesn’t necessarily like his policies, he does enjoy Trump’s confrontational style, and has no problem with his band’s song “We’re Not Gonna Take It” to fire up the crowd.

Endorsements 

While some current candidates are getting blasted by bands for misappropriating songs, one candidate is experiencing an unprecedented wave of vocal endorsements from the music community: Democrat Bernie Sanders .  Sanders’ message of “Democratic Socialism” has struck a deep chord among a wide variety of performers, from stand up comedians to bands from every genre.  In an open letter endorsing Sanders’ candidacy over seventy different artists praised the candidate and openly called on their fans to strongly consider making him our next president.  It’s a testament to the across socio-political lines appeal of Sanders message that members of Phish , the Red Hot Chili Peppers , Meshell Ndegeocello and Edward Sharpe and the Magnetic Zeros all agree on who should be our next president .  Maybe they’re just supporting him because he’s one of their own.

Here’s Sanders joining Vampire Weekend onstage in Iowa to sing Woody Guthrie ‘s “This Land Is Your Land.”

The other Democrat in the race, Hillary Clinton has also grabbed some star power musical endorsements, though. Names like Barry Manilow , Madonna and Barbara Streisand may look odd next to Kanye West , Beyoncé and Katie Perry, but politics makes for strange bedfellows.  With the youth of our nation more politically engaged than ever, it seems like having relatable music tastes is something of a priority for most candidates.

The Republican side of the campaign quite out of touch with the voters when it comes to music.  Iowa caucus winner Ted Cruz can’t even name a band he likes , Probably because he says he stopped listening to new music after 9/11.  Narcoleptic neurosurgeon Ben Carson strangely has hyper energetic Kid Rock backing him.  Jeb Bush had Toby Keith riding with him until he found himself bucked out of the saddle.  On the brighter side, long shot candidate Governor John Kasich has vowed to reunite the members of Pink Floyd for a few songs !

All of these efforts by artists to speak their minds politically is powerful force.  Their millions of fans can be shown just how powerful their vote can be.  If musicians and their work can use their influence to bring more people into the political process then we all benefit.  It’s important that the voice of ALL the people be heard.  I mean…what’s the worst that could happen…

Musicians Running For Office

…CRAP!  Lucky for America, musicians have a terrible track record in getting themselves elected to a public office.  In Kanye’s case, he’s given debate opponents so much ammo from his Twitter account alone that any potential run is doomed from the start.  For every instance of a rocker turned candidate winning, like Sonny Bono in his bids to become Mayor of Palm Springs, California and a member of the U.S. House of Representatives, there’s dozens of other, less successful examples.

2 Live Crew ‘s misogynist front man Luther Campbell ran for Mayor of Miami.  Voters seemed to be more worried about his inflammatory music than his promise to clean up the schools and housing projects.  Former Nirvana bassist Krist Novoselic ran for the clerk’s office of Wahkiakum County of Washington State as a member of an imaginary political party.  He later claimed it was a stunt to draw awareness to voting irregularities, but after his famous “Catch a bass with his face” move on MTV Video Music Awards , who really knows with him.

For all those large scale failures, when a musician seeks a relatively smaller office, they seem to have far better luck.  Martha Reeves ditched the Vandellas and stopped “Dancing In The Streets” long enough to serve on the City Council of the Motor City, Detroit, Michigan. And Jerry Butler , soul singer and inductee to the Rock And Roll Hall Of Fame is Cook County Illinois’ longest serving commissioner, chairing and sitting on dozens of vital committees since his election in 1985. It seems that in the few instances of a musician managing to gain the office they sought resulted in a diligent urge to serve the public good.

Candidates in other nations seemed to have faced the same kind of luck as their stateside counter parts. Nigeria’s Afrobeat legend and human rights activist Fela Kuti attempted to run for president of his nation in 1979, but found any attempts at a viable candidacy blocked by angry power brokers and establishment hard liners angered over his many criticisms of their practices.  Once he finally managed to extinguish his bed, Midnight Oil lead singer Peter Garrett won himself a seat in Australia’s house of Representatives, serving there to this day, working for aboriginal rights.

There’s a lot of time between now and November’s big election, and we’re sure to see plenty more controversial statements and endless sound bites from candidates while a carefully chosen classic rock or soul song plays in the background.  Remember to look beyond the surface of the candidates and their celebrity endorsements and examine their actual message.  Whatever happens on the way to the election, be sure to  REGISTER ONLINE HERE .

The influence of music on politics: Can punk, folk, or rap change the world?

An essay on the sociopolitical themes in the lyrics written by joe strummer, lead singer of the clash, has inspired the debate about the impact popular songs have on an individual’s ideological views.

Whatever the medium, the outcome is the same. Picture it, you are in high school and a friend makes you a mixtape on cassette: what you hear on it makes you see the world in a different way. You have had your eyes opened to this or that injustice, this or that act of resistance, and you experience the music with an emotion you have never had before. The world is wrong, we can fix it, we must try. Your political worldview will never be the same, and that musical discovery may decide your opinions (and your vote) throughout your life. That is the power of music to influence the formation of people’s ideological identity. It is not to be sniffed at.

Joe Strummer (1952-2002), frontman of The Clash , collaborated in the politicization of the punk movement — so nihilistic in its outlook — and his commitment was reflected in the lyrics of all his musical projects, as analyzed in the recent essay The Punk Rock Politics of Joe Strummer: Radicalism, Resistance and Rebellion , by Gregor Gall. Anti-fascism, anti-racism, anti-imperialism, criticism of inequality, and defending the oppressed were some of the issues that the British artist addressed in his verses, some of which have not only gone down in rock and roll history but have also deeply touched the conscience of their fans. He called it rebel rock.

Can music change the world? “When the question is asked in a blunt manner, it is almost suggested music — as a non-human force external to humankind — has the potential to change humans on the scale of humanity itself,” Gall writes. If one asks, in a more nuanced way, if music can simply contribute to sociopolitical change, the answer is that music “may help to change the way people look at the world, that is, their world views and perspectives, rather than the world itself. Thus music can help to inform, potentially changing the way people think and act in a subjective manner,” adds the author.

“All we want to achieve is an atmosphere where things can happen,” said Joe Strummer in an interview with Melody Maker in 1978. Although punk might be considered the quintessential combative style, it is not the only distinguished seed of that “atmosphere.” The folk music of Woody Guthrie, Bob Dylan, and Billy Bragg had a strong political component that predicted times of change (and, by the way, inspired Strummer). As did hip hop, especially in its beginnings (not so much now, having become the global and commercial genre of our time). Back then, Chuck D, a member of Public Enemy, said that rap was “the CNN of the neighborhoods” and he expressed his views ruthlessly and eloquently against police power and abuses. The reggae of Bob Marley , which called for unity against colonialism and oppression, also played its part in creating the atmosphere. The political sneaks in here and there, from classic rock, as in certain sections of Bruce Springsteen, to techno, as in the case of the seminal Underground Resistance collective, passing through Mexican corridos or mestizaje.

“Punk rock, hip hop, and reggae have a playful-expressive side and a political-activist side. There are young people for whom the music’s impact stays in the first category and others who move towards the second. We could say that music is a necessary condition, but it is not enough,” explains Carles Feixa, professor of Social Anthropology at the Pompeu Fabra University (UPF). Although music can encourage politicization, for it to develop and be sustained, other instances must intervene: social movements, grassroots political agents, or times of protest. Furthermore, “singing and dancing have always been a central form of expression in social movements,” adds Feixa, from the classic labor movement, to alter-globalization, and #MeToo through feminism and environmentalism. “Given that youth is the period where musical taste is formed, and young people are the largest consumers of music, this becomes a means of ideological diffusion and, therefore, of politicization,” says the anthropologist.

Affective transformation

“Music is the artistic form that has the most transformative impulse on an emotional level. So it contains a very marked political element. Every work of art is actually a social behavior and, as such, aims to generate a community around it,” says philosopher Alberto Santamaría. Joe Strummer and others, according to Santamaría, were discovering this vector. He also refers to Paco Ibáñez, for example, “laying the political power of the poets of the Golden Age before us. It is clear that in the eighties, with the greater dissemination of music, politics occupied other places within that music.”

According to Gall’s data, a quarter of Joe Strummer ’s followers who were interviewed consider his influence on their political positions as “deep and ongoing.” For others among his followers, the music was always more important than the politics. Despite everything, the essayist concludes that Strummer has been the most important left-wing politicized musician in Western culture since the mid-1970s.

In Spain, music has also had a notable influence on political issues. For example, during the eighties the nationalist left capitalized on the so-called Basque Radikal Rock (RRV) with initiatives such as the Martxa eta borroka (March and fight) tour. While the Movida madrileña (countercultural movement that took place during the transition to democracy) was dedicated to hedonistic dissipation, some bands like Kortatu or Negu Gorriak (both fronted by Fermín Muguruza, who was greatly inspired by Joe Strummer) defended Basque nationalism. Others, with a more punk style, like Eskorbuto or La Polla Records, preferred to ignore nationalism and spitting on flags, despite being frequently lumped in with the nationalists.

The Basque Popular Party had a brief similar initiative in the presentation of its so-called Pop Politics , in which the group Pignoise collaborated, with former soccer player Álvaro Benito at the helm. The neo-Nazi extreme right has also used music, in far-right versions of punk or the Oi! subgenre (a derivation of punk associated with the skinhead subculture), as in the case of the Rock Against Communism (RAC) subgenre, and international bands such as Skrewdriver or Spanish bands such as Estirpe Imperial and Klan.

Songs are better than arguments

The lyrics of Evaristo Premos, a living legend in Spanish punk, frontman with La Polla Records, planted the seeds of social criticism and anarchy in the heads of several generations, with subtle irony and a lot of audacity. The band was praised by thinkers like Santiago Alba Rico or Carlos Fernández Liria.

“We were amazed because this group’s lyrics were politically much more in tune than all the speeches and programs of the left-wing political parties. Their albums were a true course in citizenship education, an impressive teaching model to think about the condition of citizenship under capitalism. There was not one slip, not a single mistake, the lyrics were perfect,” explains today Fernández Liria, professor of Philosophy at the Complutense University of Madrid. For these reasons they came to affirm, through creating a certain amount of scandal, that those punks from Salvatierra, (Spain) were the only ones who were doing authentic philosophy in Spain in the eighties.

In addition to the messages that the lyrics may include, the music also offers a space for coming together, sociability, identification, and solidarity with like-minded individuals. It has been common for young people to build their social environment in the form of gangs or urban tribes, where music has always represented a central element that, in addition to providing an emotional outlet, also provides ideological expression. And beyond these spaces, politics can fit in other ways.

“After [spending all day in] a shitty job, when someone stops and listens to Bach or plays the tambourine or plugs in their guitar in a garage with friends, that act is in itself political,” observes Santamaría. The fact of not aspiring to excellence in the performance of music, the use of the famous three chords, the escape from commercialism, can be taken as a political attitude. “To play badly, at the wrong time, without knowing it, is another form of politics,” says the essayist. And so is the way music is produced, such as in militant, self-managed, independent record companies. A canonical case is that of the American record label Dischord Records, run by Ian MacKaye, a member of classic hardcore bands such as Minor Threat and Fugazi.

Music continues to be a direct route to the heart to convey political passions. “Music is, as I say, the vehicle that allows a people to think. Without songs, politics would be something entirely foreign to the people, an occupation of technocrats and professionals,” concludes Fernández Liria.

Sign up for our weekly newsletter to get more English-language news coverage from EL PAÍS USA Edition

More information

The ordeal and salvation of Tim Armstrong, ‘the Bob Dylan of punk’ went into rehab to form Rancid: ‘It was like a Rocky movie’

NOFX singer Fat Mike: ‘Punk is played by cool people, not jerks’

Archived in.

• Francés online
• Inglés online
• Italiano online
• Alemán online
• Crucigramas & Juegos

• Tools and Resources
• Customer Services
• Contentious Politics and Political Violence
• Governance/Political Change
• Groups and Identities
• History and Politics
• International Political Economy
• Policy, Administration, and Bureaucracy
• Political Anthropology
• Political Behavior
• Political Communication
• Political Economy
• Political Institutions
• Political Philosophy
• Political Psychology
• Political Sociology
• Political Values, Beliefs, and Ideologies
• Politics, Law, Judiciary
• Post Modern/Critical Politics
• Public Opinion
• Qualitative Political Methodology
• Quantitative Political Methodology
• World Politics
• Share This Facebook LinkedIn Twitter

Article contents

Protest and music.

• Sumangala Damodaran Sumangala Damodaran School of Develompent Studies, Ambedkar University
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.81
• Published online: 05 August 2016

The relationship between music and politics and specifically that between music and protest has been relatively under-researched in the social sciences in a systematic manner, even if actual experiences of music being used to express protest have been innumerable. Further, the conceptual analysis that has been thrown up from the limited work that is available focuses mostly on Euro-American experiences with protest music. However, in societies where most music is not written down or notated formally, the discussions on the distinct role that music can play as an art form, as a vehicle through which questions of artistic representation can be addressed, and the specific questions that are addressed and responded to when music is used for political purposes, have been reflected in the music itself, and not always in formal debates. It is only in using the music itself as text and a whole range of information around its creation—often, largely anecdotal and highly context dependent—that such music can be understood. Doing so across a whole range of non-Western experiences brings out the role of music in societal change quite distinctly from the Euro-American cases. Discussions are presented about the informed perceptions about what protest music is and should be across varied, yet specific experiences. It is based on the literature that has come out of the Euro-American world as well as from parts that experienced European colonialism and made the transition to post-colonial contexts in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.

• protest music
• popular music
• socialist realism
• music and politics
• representation in music
• music and identity

Despite the recognition of the social importance of music, and that social structures and developments can be be reflected in varied ways in musical structures, music has not been given a fair hearing in the social sciences. If little systematic investigation into the relation of music to culture or society as a whole has been made, even less effort has been expended on understanding the relationship between music and politics. Music has represented a mode of expression for human beings’ interaction with their surroundings, making it a spontaneous medium for expressing their discontent with it as well. This discontent has, in varied historical and geographical contexts, been expressed through words, without words, through appraisal, evaluation, and often rejection of certain canonical forms, and through creation of new forms. Further, structures of authority have used music as a medium or mode for transmitting political information and values, mobilizing the population, evoking and sustaining pride and identity, and legitimizing patterns of authority. Despite there being a long history of the connection between music and politics, in the role of music as a medium or an instrument of political communication, in critiquing existing social contexts and norms or in expressing protest against those norms, the corpus of work on music and politics has been scant.

It is necessary to make a qualification here. This point, about the corpus of work on music and politics not being substantial, is being made for politics and protest as manifest through collective political movements and the music of protest that arises out of such political mobilizations. Political theory and political philosophy have engaged with the politics of sound and auditory regimes in capitalism, as well as the politics of the emergence of the “visual” against the “auditory” as the dominant sensorial register that acquires prominence, and through which power gets established and played out in society, particularly under capitalism (Attali, 1977 ; Bull & Back, 2003 ; Siisiainen, 2012 ). French theory, through the work of thinkers such as Ranciere ( 2006 ) and Nancy ( 2007 ), to name two, has been concerned with the relationship of music to society, the place of listening with philosophies and cultures of listening, and the place of the sonorous in being and experience. This essay is concerned specifically with protest music arising from politically challenging moments and movements, and the analysis is based on the processes of music making for such purposes.

What is protest music? Within the larger genre of political music, protest music or the music of resistance is a distinct category, encompassing the use of music in politics and as politics. Every period of social upheaval gives birth to songs of discontent. Some songs are crafted specifically as rallying cries to garner support for a cause or to broadcast a grievance, whereas others express or describe conditions in society that give rise to the discontent. The expressions can be based on the individual, can be part of collectives or musical communities, or part of organized political movements. Each period also produces people who, apart from bringing in their everyday experiences and talents into music making, elucidate clearly the reasons why they produce or reject music of particular types. For artists, often, political discourse and the momentous nature of political upheaval become a medium for articulating what might be primarily aesthetic positions as political ones, and this shapes the nature of protest music that is produced.

Much of the vibrant history, as well as diversity of the genre of protest music, is unknown today, including among practitioners or activists who compose and perform protest songs. This neglect has resulted in stereotypes, of protest music having typically standardized structures—for example, sounding agitational and mobilizational, conveying political messages stridently, through lyrics, tunes, and tempo, mostly sung by a collective, and for this reason perhaps not being good enough music “on its own terms.” As a result, the genre of protest music is associated very often with stereotypical forms and styles of rendering, very often encompassing a limited range of styles or types of lyrics. This stereotype has often resulted in, on the one hand, activist musicians, as well as political formations not considering songs as protest songs unless they conformed to the standardized stereotype with respect to form, and content and non-activist musicians, on the other hand, who dismissed protest music as “mere sloganeering.”

This is an important argument that comes from the relative neglect in the study of the music-politics relationship that has been noted above. Apart from the stereotyping of the protest song, the low levels of attention and, in fact, denigration have been seen in the case of popular music in general. This is an aspect of music scholarship that is highlighted by scholars in the field of popular music studies (Frith, 2007 ; Middleton, 1990 ), who note that categories such as “high” and “low” music are continuously employed to judge whether particular kinds of music can even be categorized seriously or not. Largely coming from the European art music tradition from the early part of the 19th century, but also echoed in countries with strong classical music traditions in South Asia, the embeddedness of music in social processes is consciously denied because such embeddedness is seen to distort the tonal qualities of “good” music and interfere with the ability of music to appeal to “higher” human sensibilities. An understanding such as this reflects an ideology of “superior” listening, associated with the ability to undertake a formalistic and cognitive analysis of musical work, which makes music structurally autonomous of social processes. From dominant western musicological frameworks, therefore, the tendency to associate structured and superior listening with autonomy of musical processes from history or society, is reflected in the need to attribute the labels of “high” and “low” to different kinds of music. In fact, even a scholar like Adorno, who argued that all music should be viewed as a distinct field of activity that can only be understood within larger social processes, uses a framework rooted in the discourse of “high culture” to critique popular music (Bennett, Frith, Grossberg, Shepherd, & Turner, 2005 , p. 2; Middleton, 1990 , pp. 34–62). Many forms of popular music, such as jazz, rock, rap, and so on, which have contained within their history and practice strong elements of protest, have been dismissed as inferior music and often dangerous, using ostensibly objective criteria of structure, style, skills, and techniques.

In turn, the forms of protest music have been determined as responses to such critiques and as a conscious attempt to challenge the structures of the canons. In the words of musicologist Chris Ballantine, “The precise nature of 1960s rock music is explicable only in relation to the protest and possibilities for social change that were the lived experience of young people during that decade; the foreclosing of these possibilities and the shrinking of the horizons of change that characterize the 1970s characterize the altered rock music of the 1970s, on the one hand the total sellout of disco music, on the other the brittle and authentic criticism of the repressive social order so well articulated by punk rock” (Ballantine, 1984 , p. 5).

Critical musical scholarship has emerged, particularly in the field of Popular Music Studies that locates the emergence of structured listening and autonomous art in the particular historical period from the 19th century onwards (Middleton, 1990 ) and as constituting an ideological position “because the bourgeoisie then needed to hold such views” (Ballantine, 1984 , p. 6). One of the reasons for the neglect of studying the relationship between music and politics, or specifically protest, arises from the nature of music scholarship that has originated from the West, which in turn is attributable to particular historical factors governing the development of Western classical music.

A perusal of the actual history and experience of protest music shows it as being a highly varied and historically evolved kind of music, and the stereotypical protest song as being a particular type within the larger genre. It becomes necessary and possible, given the wide range and variety that exists, to argue for the legitimacy of protest music as meriting analysis on its own terms, as music.

In practice, protest through music has seen, historically, the adoption of extremely diverse forms across cultures; the actual range and depth of this category of music is extensive, because it is difficult to arrive at a simple set of principles that constitute the category of protest music. The work that we know of, even if it is remarkably scant in comparison to the actual material that exists, has two characteristics: one, the conceptual analysis has been based on Euro-American experiences with protest genres, both as part of and outside of formal political movements. Two, the focus of scholarly work has, to a large extent, been on individual genres and their use in politics. For example, Bennett et al. ( 2005 ), which presents a critique of the method of using “high” and “low” categories to understand any music, is a detailed collection of essays on the rock tradition in Europe and North America. Barker, who reviews conceptual issues that have arisen in analysis of protest music, bases his own research on the American counterculture, and Drott ( 2011 ) describes ways in which rock, jazz, and contemporary music all responded to the events of 1968 in France, often in contradictory ways.

However, in societies where most music is not written down or notated formally, the discussions on the distinct role that music can play as an art form, as a vehicle through which questions of artistic representation can be addressed, and the specific questions that are addressed and responded to in using music for political purposes, have been reflected in the music itself and not always in formal debates. It is only in using the music itself as text, and a whole range of information around its creation, often, largely anecdotal and highly context-dependent, that such music can be understood. Doing so across a whole range of non-Western experiences brings out the role of music in societal change quite distinctly from the Euro-American cases. For example, Aadnani ( 2006 ) is a survey of protest music and poetry in North Africa in the contemporary period, discussed in the context of the Rai musical tradition. There are numerous studies of the Nueva Cancion movement in Latin America (Elliott, 2011 ; Gasparotto, 2011 , to cite two), of rebetiko (Tragaki, 2007 is an important example), of the Anti-Apartheid movement (Ballantine, 1993 ; Olwage, 2008 ; Schumann, 2008 ), and so on. While there are numerous case studies of such experiences, again, the conceptual analysis that takes it beyond the limits of the case that is being studied is limited.

While the insights from all such work are valuable in locating the emergence of or engagement with specific genres of music in expressing political positions or locating their politics historically, a conceptual framework that encompasses diversity of experience and yet culls out basic principles around which the relationship between music and protest can be understood is yet to be worked out.

This article reviews some of the discussions that have informed perceptions about what protest music is and should be across varied, yet specific experiences. It is based on the literature that has come out of the Euro-American world, as well as from parts that experienced European colonialism and made the transition to post-colonial contexts in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Through these examples, we attempt to raise some of the broad concerns of protest music from different parts of the world and across different periods in recent history.

The category of protest music, as a consciously conceived musical as well as a political genre, may have come into existence with the combination of political circumstances that characterized the early part of the 20th century. Anti-colonial struggles, movements for civil rights, socialist revolutions, peasant and trade union movements accelerated from the second decade of the 20th century. Nationalist movements in Latin America, Asia, and Africa, the pre- and post-revolution political movements in China and Russia, the Greek Resistance, May 1968 , the Civil Rights Movement, Popular Frontism, the Anti-Apartheid Movement, the Nueva Cancion Movement in Latin America are some examples of massive political upheavals and movements that created repertoires of protest music over the course of the 20th century. In most of these cases, protest song movements saw the creation of organizations that would undertake the task of creating the repertoires and organizing musical activity. Further, whether or not they were part of organized movements, protest music genres have been numerous, making a detailed listing difficult.

Function and Form in Protest Music

In the broadest sense, protest music expresses discontent with perceived problems in society, covering a wide variety of issues and concerns ranging from personal and interpersonal to local and global matters.

If music has been used to convey protest, in what ways does it do so? Several sets of issues have been important in the creation of protest music. First, how can music be political, or what constitutes political expression in music? Is it related to its political function or to its own structure, mode of expression, and rules? Can music be political without text? Can music be political without relying on the explicit meaning of words?

In one of the relatively early and few works that attempt to define protest music, Serge Denisoff ( 1968 ) categorizes protest songs from a teleological point of view, presenting a functional model of protest song. The functions of political protest, whether in individualistic terms or as part of political movements, are what become important in judging whether a song or a form of music is political or not. Protest songs, by this classification, are defined as such by the ends they seek to achieve, “whether in highlighting social ills, recommending solutions to problems, serving as a form of political propaganda, recruiting members for a cause, or contributing toward feelings of solidarity.” While for Denisoff himself, it is song lyrics that ultimately achieve these aims, the actual variety seen in the category of “functional” protest songs takes it far beyond song lyrics.

In practice, the functions that are served by protest music range from being able to rouse and hold the attention of large gatherings, being part of campaigns, and telling stories of injustice to reproducing music of ordinary people and depicting their lives through lyrics as well as form. Stated more elaborately, “The music of protest has been used to transform consciousness, stir emotions, impose ideology, arouse courage, mobilize forces, ameliorate anger, incriminate power, organize workers, provoke outrage, inspire reflection, express fear, …” (Edmondson, 2013 , p. 902). Thus, from singing anthems that propagate a cause or songs that exhort people into action, to those that merely lyrically describe ordinary peoples’ lives, various functions of protest music are fulfilled. Further, the functions depend upon whether the music is being produced and performed by individuals, musical groups/collectives/communities, or by organized movements.

Denisoff, in focusing on the political functions being served by protest music, makes a distinction between magnetic and rhetorical protest songs, with the former referring to songs with simple melodies and lyrics that can easily catch the attention of listeners and convey a direct political message, and the latter describing songs that are less direct, point out to some specific problem, and appeal to the audience in emotional terms (Denisoff, 1983 ). Pointing out that the American protest song movement has seen a relative decline in magnetic songs and an increase in the rhetorical kind, he suggests that this reflects a decline in class-consciousness, political organization in the politics of protest over time, and an accompanying ineffectiveness, in large mobilizational terms, of protest music.

However, despite the variety in protest music that plays an explicit political function, critics like Barker have argued that the functional approach results in “an excessive focus on song text, a reductive assertion of a unidirectional causal relationship between intended political message and political function, a subordination of the form of protest music to its function, and a prioritization of abstract categories over context”.

Even within a functional understanding of protest music, how has music without text been understood? Hanns Eisler, the German composer who also composed music for many of Bertolt Brecht’s plays, developed what might be considered a hardline view of what should come under the category of “workers’ music” in the 1920s and the 1930s. He rejected purely orchestral music as not being suitable for a worker’s music repertoire and advocated the creation of simple, direct songs. In writing about the importance and role of a workers’ music movement, he argued that “… all music forms and techniques must be developed to suit the express purpose, that is the class struggle. In practice, that will not result in what the bourgeoisie calls style, … in the workers’ music movement we do not aspire to style but to new methods of musical technique, which will make it possible to use music in the class struggle better and more intensively” (Grabs, 1978 , p. 68). Music without words, or orchestral works alone, according to him would be “not right” for a proletarian audience because “such symphonic music … is not accessible to workers either materially or ideologically, … the problem of symphonic orchestral music of a proletarian character is just as insoluble as the attempt to change a dress suit into overalls by painting it red” (Grabs, 1978 , p. 68). What would be appropriate would be programs that consist of fighting songs and orchestral music with choruses, practiced with the public, a “new revolutionary style of music (which) enables novel and original compositions to be so contrived that they can also be executed by untrained amateurs” (Grabs, 1978 , p. 220). The Socialist Realist tradition from the 1930s, which originated in the Soviet Union but was influential in left cultural movements in different parts of the world, emphasized a greater role for the texted genre as against purely symphonic music in representing revolutionary consciousness. Creating anthem-like music with lyrics that were uplifting, heroic, and optimistic, in often grandiose representations of the “new socialist man,” were considered part of the creation of revolutionary music.

Inscribed into such a view of protest music are its exhortatory as well as its didactic roles, recognizable by the qualities of simplicity, accessibility and focus on lyrics. The didactic and explanatory elements of music for the revolutionary cause also came from Brecht’s theatre, which developed these ideas as aesthetic devices in theatre. This meant an eschewal of “lyricism,” in progressive theatre music, of expression for its own sake, in favor of “gestic” music, or music that can explain the social context of the issues taken up by such theatre. Often, it also meant a denouncement of formalism, defined officially as “the separation of form from content” in music, which took many forms. An interpretation of a position such as this in East Germany, in the 1950s, for example, resulted in a critique of atonal music as “not comprehensible to the masses” (Frackman & Powell, 2015 ), along with an understanding that performers should not get too absorbed in their own performances to communicate effectively with their audiences. Underlying these positions was a didactic element for the “masses,” which was often accompanied by arguments for simplicity and accessibility, as in the case of Denisoff’s magnetic protest song. In fact, it is the magnetic protest song that perhaps represents the “stereotypical” protest song that has been referred to earlier, with effectiveness being judged by the immediate inspirational and rousing effect it has on audiences, allowing it to be an effective tool for political mobilization.

However, the functional argument apart, the debate has gone beyond encompassing the form that protest music should take, as is apparent.

History, Context, and Form

This brings up a question that has been important in the history of protest music: what are the kinds of music that need to be represented in a radical political movement or to express protest? Here political questions, as well as issues of aesthetic representation, become important, including the question of function raised earlier and the preceding section indicated. The role of form in representation, in being an intrinsic component of what protest music is but also being important in what protest music does , who to represent, and how to represent politically, has generated some of the most important debates in the history of protest music, involving the relevance of history and context that go beyond the immediate political questions being raised. Issues of nation, nationalism, tradition and that of modes of representation such as modernism, formalism, and realism have been important aspects where history and context have been seen to influence the creation of protest music repertoires.

Over the entire 20th century and into the present, expansive and varied notions of “the people” or the “popular classes,” as Gramsci was to characterize those who emerged as the objects of subjugation, were employed in the creation of protest music. Music, like other art forms, came to be employed in establishing the “ordinary person” as a legitimate subject of history and art, resulting in a varied musical iconography of “the people.” In music, as in the other art forms, realism, interpreted in various ways, emerged as the mode of representation.

In the first half of the 20th century, the ideologies that constituted globally the left and democratic politics of the time, notably nationalism, anti-fascism, and an emancipatory socialism, were being explored and expressed musically in different ways within and across political movements, pointing to interesting similarities and contrasts. Recurring questions that were being asked were: should people’s music be spontaneous and faithfully represented, or consciously crafted out of whatever forms are considered appropriate, or through newer forms? When spontaneous music emerges that reflects the lives of ordinary people, how should it be assessed?

With anti-colonial struggles gathering momentum in countries like India, for example, a crucial question that came up was the degree of engagement with “tradition.” Within a political understanding that colonialism had destroyed and marginalized the cultures of the people, one of the tasks of musical representation, it was felt, was to “bring back” traditional music on behalf of the people. A significant part of the protest music repertoire in India in the 1930s and 1940s, under the aegis of organizations such as the Indian People’s Theatre Association set up in 1943 , consisted of music that was excavated, retrieved from, and played back to “the people” (Damodaran, 2008 ). This creation of a “documentary aesthetic” was a feature of China in the buildup to the revolution from the 1920s as well, and this led Chinese musician Guo Moro to give a call to activist musicians to “be a phonograph” (Jones, 2001 , p. 28). This aesthetic of “phonographic realism” was an important component of leftwing mass music produced in China in the 1930s, which “recorded” the struggles and aspirations of the proletariat and subsequently played them back to society as a means of social mobilization. A large part of such repertoires in different contexts consisted of folk music, involving folkloric revivals; and underpinning their creations were particular notions of nation, nationalism, and “the people.”

In the second half of the 20th century, the Nueva Canción or New Song Movement involving thousands of musicians throughout Latin America, produced a huge corpus of music. One of the frontrunners of the movement in Chile, Violetta Parra, collected hundreds of folkloric musical pieces from different region of Chile and reproduced and introduced them in urban areas of the country as part of the celebration of indigenous music and traditions in affirming socialist values.

A version of the need to reproduce the conditions of life of ordinary people, in their own languages and using traditionally existing modes of expression, was seen in the music that came out of the Anti-Apartheid Movement in South Africa. While the early influences on South African popular music were strongly from the West, by the mid‐1930s, African elements were consciously brought into the music to make a political statement. As in Latin America, a new musical consciousness emerged that stressed on everyday life and on indigenous forms that were embedded in the music being created. In the words of Miriam Makeba, one of the most significant singers of the protest movement, “People say I sing politics, but what I sing is not politics, it is the truth” (Ewens, 1991 , p. 192).

The engagement with tradition in colonial countries encompassed not only indigenous folk music but classical traditions as well, with serious debates on whether or not protest music was to engage with classical traditions, which might have emerged as elitist and hence not representative of “the people.” In this, protest musicians, as part of anti-colonial struggles, had to respond to and contend with conceptualizations of nationalism, where holding up classical traditions became important in representing the people in a nationalist sense, but then having to simultaneously depict exploitative social and class structures through alternative nationalist symbols, like the folk music mentioned earlier. The Indian example is interesting to illustrate this point. As part of the organization called the Indian People’s Theatre Association (IPTA), mentioned earlier, which was formed to consciously articulate protest through cultural means, the classical musician Ravi Shankar and many others produced protest music that was strongly based in the Indian classical music tradition; they also took the position that music intended for a political cause should not compromise on complexity and rigor in its effort to be accessible to large numbers of people (Damodaran, 2008 ). The accessibility needed to be ensured, according to such a view, not by a forced simplicity of form, but by depicting political situations through the music and democratizing performance practices and venues of all music, including that which is inspired by the classical tradition.

In countries like the United States, the relationship of the protest musicians with the classical music tradition in the first half of the 20th century was somewhat different from what has been described above. Professional composers such as Elie Siegmeister, Marc Blitzstein, Aaron Copland, and others who were beginning to question and break out of what were perceived as the bourgeois and elitist trappings of classical music in the European, particularly French tradition, as it existed in the United States at the time, also became part of the protest music tradition. Their engagement with classical music involved imbuing it with “modernist” idioms, symbols of industrialism and class exploitation, and creating socially responsive music (Oja, 1988 ).

By the second half of the 20th century, disappointments with the nationalist project in post-colonial contexts led to critiques that identified people on the basis of identity and difference. Protest music was, in ways different from before, perhaps, asking questions about authenticity in representation and hence questioning overarching expressions of nationhood. For example, the scholar Josh Kun, who analyzes aspects of the creation of an “audiotopia” in the United States in the 20th century, argues that with Langton Hughes’ 1925 poem “I, Too, Sing America,” and his essay titled “The Negro Artist and the Racial Mountain,” he gave a call for a “re-hearing and a re-singing of American culture through black ears and black sounds … Let the blare of Negro jazz bands and the bellowing voice of Bessie Smith singing blues penetrate the ears of the colored near-intellectuals until they listen and perhaps understand” (Kun, 1995 , p. 144). Even if the marking of such differences and the absorption of sounds of difference were understood as essential for protest music in different contexts, it was the denial of rights and the conscious attempts to obliterate difference, in societies like the United States and in ex-colonial countries in South Asia, that led to questions about authenticity in representation. A whole tradition of music from the Dalit movement in India, exemplified by the work of the singer Sambhaji Bhagat, is an example where such assertions of difference and the associated foregrounding of authenticity of representation of “real people” has been seen. Bhagat, in his performances is known to make clear distinctions between what is “heard” by those who belong to upper caste groups and Dalits, those who belong to the lowermost castes in the hierarchy in India.

Thus, the understanding that musical forms are important means of identity creation, and that identities get represented and affirmed by music, became integral to the creation of protest music, with form acquiring priority in the assertion of such identity. So while the function, in this case, of representing difference, is paramount, the nuances of the music itself and what is “heard” by audiences become important elements in understanding and decoding protest music.

Eyerman and Jamison ( 1998 ) make an important point about “tradition” in their study of the role of music in social movements in the 20th century, that “Music, and song, we suggest, can maintain a movement even when it no longer has a visible presence in the form of organizations, leaders and demonstrations, and can be a vital force in preparing the emergence of a new movement. Here the role and place of music needs to be interpreted through a broader framework, in which tradition and ritual are understood as processes of identity and identification, as encoded and embodied forms of collective meaning and memory” (Eyerman & Jamison, 1998 , pp. 43–44).

Another dimension of the relationship between music, politics, and identity comes across when identities of particular groups are asserted through the difference between them and the dominant groups in their own societies through the adoption of genres of “others” who might be nationally, ethnically, or socially removed from them. For example, Eric Drott, in his study of the musical trends that arose in the wake of the May 1968 uprising in France notes that “… identification with Anglo-American youth culture opened a space where their lived experience of difference could take shape … Such was the case with free jazz by a younger generation of enthusiasts in the years around 1968 ; in the short-lived infatuation with contemporary classical music during the same period; and in the appropriation of ‘The Internationale’ by youthful protesters in May 1968 ” (Drott, 2011 , p. 271).

Thus, while the structure of particular kinds of protest music (through lyrics or form) might represent particular identities of groups that wish to assert their own identities, it has not always been through identification with own origins, necessarily. The creation of newer political identities, for example, that of the “working class,” have involved musical mixing and borrowing between cultures, apart from projecting music of one’s own cultures. Performing work and labor songs from specific cultural contexts and also from other, sometimes culturally far removed international contexts, has been a typical feature of protest song movements in many countries. The translation into several languages and the popularity of “The Internationale” in different parts of the world is but one example of such identification and solidarity.

Further, identities have not only been asserted through the forms that denote origins but have also been questioned and reconstructed through those very forms. Thus, the aesthetic nuances of the forms themselves might get used to subvert conventional or essentialist understandings of identity, as an “imagined transcendence of difference” (Drott, 2011 , p. 271) or in fact to project new identities.

Musical Structure and Protest

Conceptually, this takes us to a third set of debates around protest music: is the formal structure of music important to consider when we analyze political or protest music? How can music, with or without text, represent dissent through its own grammar? Here, while some debates have been overt and reflected in open disagreements between musicians, often written down, some have been reflected through the kinds of music created.

In the period immediately following the Russian Revolution, the maverick futurist composer Arthur Lourie, who headed Muzo, the music department of Narcompros, the Culture Department of the post-revolution Soviet Union, argued that the spirit of music needed to reflect the ideology of revolutionary chaos because for him, the revolution itself was music. Creating music that symbolized the chaos by its structure, thus, was the essential ingredient of articulating protest (Schwarz, 1972 ). The first couple of decades of music production in the Soviet Union after the revolution are replete with such examples, how the category of revolutionary music was vigorously debated, and how form itself became an important ingredient of understanding revolutionary music.

One of the important debates in the discussions on revolutionary aesthetics, especially from the 1930s, has been around the idea of socialist realism, defined and declared as the appropriate mode of representation in socialist art in the Soviet Union, but also becoming influential in many parts of the world influenced by socialist ideology. The controversies around the interpretation and implementation of the term in actual practice in political movements have been many, and beginning from art practice in the Stalinist period in the Soviet Union under Stalin to various other contexts, including Asia and many parts of Europe, the association of Socialist Realism, with rigid organizational positions and censure of artists who did not conform, has been common. More contemporary research argues that socialist realism was, to begin with, visualized only in terms of how art forms “would reflect the new life of the proletariat, it would be a truthful reflection of the progressive, revolutionary aspirations of the toiling masses building communism” (Swiderski, 1979 , p. 4); hence, it could be reduced to demands for accessibility, tunefulness, stylistic traditionalism, and folk-inspired qualities in music, but it got established as a credo and was subsequently interpreted in more strict organizational terms. In the Soviet Union particularly, the socialist-realist idiom in music was expected to focus on particular forms, such as cantatas and symphonies, and use musical materials from folk melodies (especially of non-Russian nationalities). What is not as apparent is whether the “doctrine” of socialist realism, as understood by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as well as musicians making music for the Revolution, necessarily denounced experimentation and modernism in music, as is often held. Following from material published from the 1970s onwards, about socialist realism being an outright rejection of modernism, with the two ideas being polar opposites, more recent work on the relationship between modernism and socialist art (Titus, 2006 , drawing from Fay, 1980 ; Schwarz, 1972 ) argues that this was an extreme view, “encouraged by historians who illustrated a split throughout the twenties between the modernists and proletarian factions, with the proletarian factions ‘winning’ in the end” (Titus, 2006 , p. 63).

The pitting of simplicity against modernism, mentioned in the earlier section with regard to the United States, was fundamentally to do with musical grammar, something that went beyond the lyrics or the message and engaged with the structure of the music. While on the one hand, the simplicity or “directness” argument was important and pervasive, hinging on the need to appeal to large numbers of people, avant garde experiments with modernism in music were reflected in the use of atonal sounds depicting industrialism. The latter was a structural recording of protest against the stated oppressiveness of the European classical tradition, by challenging its grammar and rules of composition.

In India, the music of the Kerala People’s Arts Club in the southern Indian province of Kerala, consciously crafted a musical tradition where the tunes and lyrics had a distinct character that attempted to assimilate with as well as break from certain established traditions in the late 1950s. This conscious crafting of the music took place as a result of significant deliberations and debates within the movement about what the music needed to sound like to herald a new era. Specifically, this new crafted repertoire adopted the rendering practice from the North Indian classical music tradition in a cultural context that was in southern India, imbuing tunes with local flavors and combining them with lyrics that were also consciously created to convey an ethos of a “new beginning,” part of a left political movement to overthrow an existing exploitative system of landlordism. Similarly, a harmonic tradition of songwriting and composition, initiated by the musician Salil Chowdhury in the province of Bengal, fundamentally challenged the structures of Indian songwriting, while retaining Indian melodies and modes of rendering, crafting a new kind of protest song from the 1940s, that also became very popular (Damodaran, 2008 ).

The debates around musical grammar across different contexts had to do with the sounds and instruments that were used, the scales and modes of rendering, and the use of voice, the principles of tonality, and the notions of local and foreign elements in musical cultures. Again, the use of history and specific context in repertoires of protest movements have been important in discussions around musical grammar; but the focus extends to what might stretch the boundaries of known traditions in the quest to express dissent or project a new future. Thus, if the allusion to the modern involved challenges to the Western classical tradition through atonality and the sounds of industrialism in Western countries, it had to be in the adoption of Western musical formats and features, such as harmonies in non-Western musical cultures like India or China. If radical representation had to be about “the people,” it had to sometimes be “a phonograph,” or at some other times play an interpretative role, which meant breaking out of the boundaries of existing musical forms. Thus, while politics might mediate what form is employed in different contexts, often form mediates political expression in different and changing ways.

To sum up, the debates around the relationship between music and politics have, in practice, been around questions that straddle the realms of both aesthetics and politics. The combined aesthetic-political considerations have involved issues of representation (who, why, and how to represent political identities) as well as function (what the functions of protest music are). History and social context have influenced both representational and functional aspects, generating the wide variety that has been seen. Thus, different kinds of music, performed or conceptualized in different contexts, have engaged politics in different ways. The functions and meanings of different types of music are employed variously, making the protest music genre complex and highly evolved, historically, as this article has attempted to bring out.

• Aadnani, R. (2006). Beyond Rai: North African protest music and poetry . World Literature Today . Online journal available on The Free Library.
• Attali, J. (1977). Noise: The political economy of music . Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
• Ballantine, C. (1984). Music and its social meaning . Johannesburg, South Africa: Ravan Press.
• Ballantine, C. (1993). Marabi nights: Early South African jazz and vaudeville . Johannesburg, South Africa: Ravan Press.
• Bennett, T. , Frith, S. , Grossberg, L. , Shepherd, J. , & Turner, G . (Eds.). (2005). Rock and popular music: Politics, policies, institutions . New York: Routledge.
• Bull, M. , & Back, L. (2003). The auditory culture reader (sensory formations) . New York: Oxford University Press.
• Damodaran, S. (2008). Protest Through Music. Seminar , Issue 588, August.
• Denisoff, S. R. (1968). Protest movements: Class consciousness and the propaganda song. The Sociological Quarterly , 9 (2), 245.
• Denisoff, S. R. (1983). Sing a song of social significance . Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University Popular Press.
• Drott, E. (2011). Music and the elusive revolution: Cultural politics and political culture in France, 1968 – 1981 . Berkeley: University of California Press.
• Edmonson, J. (2013). Music in American life: An encyclopedia of the songs, styles, stars, and stories that shaped our culture . Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood.
• Elliott, R. (2011). Public consciousness, political conscience and memory in Latin American Nueva Cancion. In D. Clarke & E. Clarke (Eds.), Music and consciousness: Philosophical, psychological and cultural perspectives . Oxford: Oxford University Press.
• Ewens, G. (1991). Africa o‐ye! A celebration of African music . Enfield, U.K.: Guinness.
• Eyerman, R. , & Jamison, A. (1998). Music and social movements: Mobilizing traditions in the twentieth century . Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press.
• Fay, L. (1980). Shostakovich versus Volkov: Whose testimony? Russian Review , 3 9(4), 484–493.
• Frackman, K. , & Powell, L . (Ed.). (2015). Classical music in the German Democratic Republic: Production and reception . New York: Camden House.
• Frith, S. (2007). Taking popular music seriously : Selected essays . Aldershot, U.K.: Ashgate.
• Gasparotto, M. (2011). Curating la Nueva canción: Capturing the evolution of a genre and movement . RUcore digital archive. Rutgers University Community Repository.
• Grabs, M. (Ed.). (1978). Hanns Eisler: A rebel in music: Selected writings . London: Kahn and Averill.
• Jones, A. (2001). Yellow music: Media culture and colonial modernity in the Chinese jazz age . Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
• Kun, J. (1995). Audiotopia. Music, race, and America . Berkeley: University of California Press.
• Middleton, R. (1990). Studying popular music . Philadelphia, PA: Open University Press.
• Nancy, J.-L. (2007). Listening ( C. Mandell , Trans.). New York: Fordham University Press.
• Oja, C. (1988). Composer with a conscience: Elie Siegmeister in profile. American Music , 6 (2), 158–180.
• Olwage, G. (2008). Composing apartheid: Music for and against apartheid . Johannesburg, South Africa: Witwatersrand University Press.
• Ranciere, J. (2006). The Politics of Aesthetics—The Distribution of the Sensible . Translated by Gabriel Rockhill . London: Continuum.
• Schumann, A. (2008). The beat that beat apartheid: The role of music in the resistance against apartheid in South Africa. Stichproben. Wiener Zeitschrift für kritische Afrikastudien , 14 (8), 17–39.
• Schwarz, B. (1972). Music and musical life in Soviet Russia 1917–1970 . New York: W. W. Norton.
• Siisiainen, L. (2012). Foucault and the politics of hearing . New York: Routledge.
• Swiderski, E. (1979). The Philosophical Foundations of Soviet Aesthetics—Theory and Controversies in the Post-War Years . Holland: D. Reidel Publishing Company.
• Taruskin, R. (2000). Defining Russia musically . Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
• Titus, J. M. (2006). Modernism, socialist realism, and identity in the early film music of Dmitry Shostakovich, 1929–1932 (PhD Diss.). Ohio State University.
• Tragaki, D. (2007). Rebetiko worlds . Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge Scholars.

Related Articles

• The 5 Ws of Democracy Protests
• Civil Disobedience and Conscientious Objection
• Protest and Contentious Action
• The Demobilization of Protest Campaigns

Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Politics. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).

date: 09 May 2024

• Cookie Policy
• Privacy Policy
• Legal Notice
• Accessibility
• [66.249.64.20|162.248.224.4]
• 162.248.224.4

Character limit 500 /500

Charles Rosen’s Freedom and the Arts: Essays on Music and Literature

September 3, 2012 by Taylor Davis-Van Atta

The following review originally appeared in Issue 29 of The Quarterly Conversation .

Twentieth-century music has changed our understanding of Mozart and Beethoven. What we now hear was, of course, always there. — Charles Rosen

Freedom and the Arts: Essays on Music and Literature by Charles Rosen (Harvard University Press, May 2012) Reviewed by Taylor Davis-Van Atta

How we interpret art—as individuals and collectively—is influenced by a complex of inherited and learned sensibilities peculiar to our time, and also by prior knowledge one brings to the experience: a book is read against the tapestry of all previously read books; within a piece of music wisps of prior recordings or performances, or even entirely other pieces of music, are heard; meanwhile, innate political, cultural, and aesthetic understandings are altering our perceptions and tastes. All of this input informs and heightens our experience of art, but it can also hinder the pure pleasure of an experience. Even a desire to understand or find meaning in art can itself be a limiting factor—a paradoxical idea when one considers that the main function of art may ultimately be to liberate us from the entrapments of meaning and/or from an antiquated understanding of the world around us. Having inherited modern sensibilities implicit in our time and culture, and limited by an incomplete knowledge of the conditions of past eras out of which some of our most enduring art emerged, we might raise a central question: to what degree are we, as individuals and as a public, able to exercise free will over our own interpretations and appreciation of art?

The critic, historian, music theorist, and virtuosic pianist Charles Rosen has spent the past half century examining this question, and his latest book, Freedom and the Arts: Essays on Music and Literature , a collection of 28 essays written mainly over the past 15 years, is his most expansive analysis to date of the challenges and pleasures of art. It contains his most direct attempts to address the question of free will in artistic interpretation. Endowed with enormous knowledge (what Pierre Boulez calls his “vast culture”), Rosen is a most gifted critic, one who not only explicates and illuminates scores and texts with easy precision but whose reviews and essays stand apart from their subject as pieces of literature in their own right. Rarely of one mind on any subject, except perhaps his preferences for certain recordings and particular fingerings, Rosen in this collection unapologetically contradicts himself and homes in on paradoxes he is unable to reconcile, engaged in a decades-long discussion with the finest artists of the past four centuries—and with his own mind. Above all, he elaborates on several lifelong arguments, making this volume a valuable companion to his major books, as well as a terrific introduction those who have not yet read his work.

As a pianist, Rosen’s performances are studies in technique; his light interpretative approach brings out the emotional heart of the music (rather than putting it in , as a less deft performer might). Likewise, the genius of his criticism lies in his ability to expose through examination of an artist’s technique the nervous system of the literature or music in question, allowing the emotional and intellectual vitality of the piece to come strikingly into light. His reading of Elliot Carter’s cello sonata (in “Happy Birthday, Elliot Carter!”), for instance, is the most perceptive I have read and chased me to my CD collection to experience the piece anew, wanting to test Rosen’s insight:

The cello sonata opens with the piano in strict time, ticking away in moderate tempo with a quiet percussive staccato. The cello, however, exists in a different space-time, with a long, lyrical, and eloquent line, irregular and seemingly improvised, very few of its notes coinciding with the beats of the piano. The opening may be the first example of Carter’s use of the long, expressive, singing arabesque line that was virtually absent in modernist style. . . . No previous work for cello and piano had ever differentiated the two instruments so distinctly, and exploited the sonority of each.

In his essays Rosen moves with ease between intimate examinations of texts—be they scores or poems—and the broader context in which we experience them. Central to all of Rosen’s writing is the question of how we might best appreciate the work in question, and because this is his point of enquiry, one typically needs only a passing familiarity with his subject to be engaged by even his most rigorous examinations. On Mallarmé, Rosen teaches us new ways of reading “the seemingly unreadable poet”:

The art of reading Mallarmé requires us to realize that the enigmatic surface of his poetry does not cover or hide a secret; and we cannot discard the surface once the treasure has been unearthed. The solution to the enigma is on the surface, which itself becomes the treasure as our experience of it grows. (“Mallarmé and the Transfiguration of Poetry”)

Rosen, who has championed (in writing) and debuted (in performance) 20th-century modernist work by Martinů, Bartók, Stravinsky, Boulez, Carter, and others, here brings uncanny clarity to even the most opaque literary achievements while furthering his lifelong impassioned defense of challenging literature. In a section of essays (“Classical Modernism: Past and Present”) on Mallarmé, Montaigne, Adorno, La Fontaine, Hofmannsthal, and W.H. Auden, it’s clear that, for Rosen, no other artistic movement in history has been met with so much hostility as the modernist. This section elaborates on one of the truths he revisits throughout the collection, namely that while we expect originality from our artists, we resent them when we get it (“Freedom and Art”). Modernism, to Rosen, involves an absolute fidelity to disagreeable human truths while transforming the repellent and awkward nature of facing these truths into something aesthetically beautiful, and, despite public reception, there is no higher human aspiration than the creation of an aesthetic achievement free of the entrapment of “meaning.”

Rosen’s essays on literature are remarkable for the tremendous breadth of knowledge on all artistic disciplines that he brings to his interpretations of literary works, a trait desperately lacking in literary journalism today. Rosen throws up no artificial boundaries: to his mind all arts speak to each other, each fluent in a singular artistic language. Mallarmé believed in a “musical universality”—a pure pleasure—that extends beyond the confines of any given artistic form, and this is an ideal Rosen seems to share.

Music, like much of literary modernism, carries no message, no “material communication” (Mallarmé’s term), and, in order to comprehend the emotional content of Mallarmé’s poetry or, say, Hofmannsthal’s libretti, Rosen argues we must “begin with a dispassionate understanding of the art and an appreciation of the technique.” This is not so different than the journey we have undertaken as a public to appreciate the music of Stravinsky, Carter, or even Mozart: it takes time for us to learn to hear and read as these artists would wish us to. Their technique is new, thus we must develop new techniques for appreciating them. Rosen expands the defense of modernism he has previously offered (most notably in Arnold Schoenberg (1996) and Critical Entertainments (2001)) by crediting the movement with nothing less than saving Western music, claiming that the modernist movement was a necessary and subversive act that first taught the public to hear Beethoven and Mozart in a manner that benefitted their music. We may indeed resent our most original artists, but it is their work that ultimately forms our canon. And the essential paradox of a canon, Rosen writes, “is that a tradition is often most successfully sustained by those who appear to be trying to attack or to destroy it. It was Wagner, Debussy, and Stravinsky who gave new life to the Western musical tradition while seeming to undermine its very foundations.”

In Piano Notes (2002), Rosen comments that it would be very difficult, if not impossible, for us to ever know what Beethoven’s playing or Bach’s ensembles sounded like in their time, so the attempt to attain “authenticity” in our interpretations of such masterworks is a fruitless and even counterproductive task: the inherent conflict of listening to an old-fashioned performance with contemporary ears risks limiting the pleasure we can take from the music. If musical interpretation is to remain a living art, he explains, we must abandon the pursuit of authenticity and acknowledge that the lifespan of a piece of music—or a book or painting—ultimately depends on our willingness to adapt our interpretations to best please our sensibilities. Throughout this collection, Rosen challenges this—his own—argument, writing in the collection’s final essay (“Old Wisdom and Newfangled Theory”):

I think we must conclude that the ideal form of works of art is always at least partially distorted by the conditions of their initial presentation and production and by their transference to new eras, new venues, or new media. We are not always aware of the damage done to productions of culture by the social conditions in which they were made and later by the new conditions that arise in the ages that inherit them.

Rosen seems to conclude that we should not fear losing artistic traditions; in fact, the only true loss may come if we insist on recreating older music with utter fidelity to the conditions in which it was conceived or, conversely, if we ignore the nostalgic charms that past exigencies can bring to our contemporary interpretations.

Freedom and the Arts also contains a 120-page section entitled “Mostly Mozart” which is easily one of the most approachable and enlightening collections of essays we have in English on our greatest Classical composer. The remarkable thing about this section, which comprises 7 essays Rosen wrote over the period of a decade, is that, for its breadth of subject matter and opinion, it could have been written by as many different scholars. That these essays all came out of one mind is downright astonishing and, plainly stated, they are some of the finest musical literature on Mozart written in our era, a wonderful supplement to Rosen’s (arguably) most important works, The Classical Style (1972) and Sonata Forms (1988).

Rosen opens (and ends) Freedom and the Arts with a new essay directly addressing the pleasures and challenges of interpreting art in modern times. On the difficulties of enjoying Montaigne’s writing today, he writes:

Only a rereading of his essays for the enjoyment of his style and his delight in contradicting himself will tell us that his conclusions are generally provisional and that the interest for the reader lies in the voyage . . . or rather, that the voyage (the demonstration of the way the mind works) was the real original goal all the time. (“Freedom and Art”)

The essays that follow this introduction are best thought of as think-pieces, snapshots of a peerless mind at constant odds with itself, not content with its own conclusions, nor with the voyage it took in reaching those conclusions. Rosen is challenging not the prevailing thinking of our time but his own trailblazing thoughts. At times this means that a line of argument is left incomplete, abandoned for the sake of following a fresher, if no more convincing, line of thought. But along the way, with casual offhandedness, Rosen eloquently expresses the scope of human achievement in the arts. The collection is thoroughly accessible, an act of generosity that makes readily available to listeners and readers what gives pure pleasure to the artist.

Taylor Davis-Van Atta is the founding editor of Music & Literature.

Banner: “Piano” by christoph habel . Reproduced under a CC BY-NC 2.0 license.

Music and democracy in America: historical perspectives on ‘democratization’ in the digital age

• Original Article
• Published: 07 August 2021
• Volume 10 , pages 206–224, ( 2022 )

Cite this article

• Nancy Weiss Hanrahan 1  

398 Accesses

4 Altmetric

Explore all metrics

What meanings of democracy are invoked in talk about democratization and music, and how does this discourse reflect struggles over democracy in our time? Contemporary music scholars and commentators have relied on ‘democratization’ to measure the promises and possibilities of music in the digital age. Yet ‘democracy’ is conceived in this discourse as a technological rather than a historical achievement, undermining its normative foundation. Two historical instances in which musicians and critics in the US engaged in democratic controversies through music highlight the contingency of the linkage between network metaphors and liberal notions of the public sphere that underpin the current democratization discourse. Debates about American classical music in the mid-nineteenth century and jazz in the mid-twentieth illustrate that notions of democracy are tied to historical context and contested as different social issues and conflicts arise. I suggest that critical analysis of music attend to the contested meanings of democracy in the contemporary period, noting its uncomfortably close association with libertarianism. Finally, I reflect on whether democracy might be decoupled from network structures and reconnected to historical struggles in this rethinking, or if different criteria are needed to speak to the question of why or how music matters.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this article

Price excludes VAT (USA) Tax calculation will be finalised during checkout.

Instant access to the full article PDF.

Rent this article via DeepDyve

Institutional subscriptions

Similar content being viewed by others

Music and Democracy in America: Historical Perspectives on ‘Democratization’ in the Digital Age

From Music Scenes to Musicalized Networks: A Critical Perspective on Digitalization

An Engaged Chadian Artist’s Digital Itinerary Towards Political and Civic Success: Pitfalls of Oppression

I have intentionally drawn only on the discourse of democratization and music here and throughout this text. Although it may share some similarities with the broader set of debates on the democratization of culture , music’s alignment with technical platforms and decentering of representation as a core issue are grounds for treating it in its specificity.

Readers might note the strong echoes between these historical debates and those of UNESCO in the 1970s regarding the democratization of culture (making high culture available to all) vs cultural democracy (all forms of culture are legitimate). Mahiet ( 2014 , p. 370) also notes the connection between these nineteenth century debates and French cultural policy since the 1980s.

What DiMaggio ( 1982 ) termed ‘trustee-governed non-profit enterprise’ was the institutional arrangement that solidified the high culture model and helped to maintain the boundaries between high and popular arts.

The narrative that follows draws primarily on John Gennari’s ( 2006 ) account of jazz criticism in the US and Ingrid Monson’s ( 2007 ) analysis of jazz musicians’ engagement with civil rights and Black liberation movements. For other approaches and perspectives, readers can select from a wide range of excellent sources including Panish ( 1997 ), Porter ( 2002 ) and Feldstein ( 2005 ).

While this period is referred to as the ‘swing era’ in jazz, ‘swing’ itself was often used in reference to the music of white big bands, while ‘jazz’ was reserved for Black big band music.

While the sparks are no longer flying, the underlying questions regularly resurface—‘Is Jazz Black Music’ was the subject of a distinguished panel of musicians and critics at Lincoln Center in New York City in 2008.

Baraka (Leroi Jones), A. 1980. Black Music . New York: William Morrow and Co.

Google Scholar  

Boltanski, L., and E. Chiapello. 2005. The New Spirit of Capitalism . London: Verso.

Book   Google Scholar  

Breen, M., and E. Forde. 2004. The Music Industry, Technology and Utopia—An Exchange Between Marcus Breen and Eamonn Forde. Popular Music 23 (1): 79–89.

Article   Google Scholar  

Brown, W. 2015. Undoing the Demos: Neoliberalism’s Stealth Revolution . New York: Zone Books.

Brown, W. 2018. Neoliberalism’s Frankenstein: Authoritarian Freedom in Twenty-First Century “democracies.” Critical Times 1 (1): 60–79.

Cantril, H., and G.W. Allport. 2004 [1935]. The Influence of Radio upon Mental and Social Life. In Mass Communication and American Social Thought: Key Texts, 1919–1968 , eds. J. Peters and P. Simonson, 110–115. Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield.

Carter, D., and I. Rogers. 2014. Fifteen Years of ‘utopia’: Napster and Pitchfork as Technologies of Democratization. First Monday . https://doi.org/10.5210/fm.v19i10.5543 .

Dahlberg, L. 2017. Cyberlibertarianism. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Communication , October. https://www.academia.edu/35047593/Cyberlibertarianism .

De Tocqueville, A. 1990 [1835]. Chapter XI. In Democracy in America , vol. 2, 48–52. New York: Vintage.

DiMaggio, P. 1982. Cultural Entrepreneurship in 19th Century Boston: The Creation of an Organizational Base for High Culture in America. Media, Culture and Society 4 (1): 33–50.

Douglas, S. 2004. Listening In: Radio and the American Imagination . Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Draper, P. 2007. Music Two-Point-Zero How Participatory Culture is Reclaiming Knowledge, Power and Value Systems from the Inside Out. In Paper Presented at Queensland Conservatorium Research Centre , Twilight Series Public Lecture, 9 October.

Feenberg, A. 2010. Between Reason and Experience: Essays in Technology and Modernity . Cambridge: MIT Press.

Feldstein, R. 2005. “I don’t trust you anymore”: Nina Simone, Culture, and Black Activism in the 1960s. Journal of American History 91 (4): 1349–1379.

Fraser, N. 2017. The End of Progressive Neoliberalism. Dissent , 2 January. https://www.dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/progressive-neoliberalism-reactionary-populism-nancy-fraser .

Galuszka, P. 2012. Netlabels and Democratization of the Recording Industry. First Monday . https://doi.org/10.5210/fm.v17i7.3770 .

Genarri, J. 1996. A Weapon of Integration: Frank Marshall Davis and the Politics of Jazz. Langston Hughes Review 14 (1/2): 16–33.

Gennari, J. 2006. Blowin’ Hot and Cool: Jazz and Its Critics . Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Goodwin, A. 1992. Rationalization and Democratization in the New Technologies of Popular Music. In Popular Music and Communication , ed. J. Lull, 75–100. Newbury Park: Sage Publications.

Grant, M. 1998. Maestros of the Pen: A History of Classical Music Criticism in America . Boston: Northeastern University Press.

Hanrahan, N.W. 2018. Hearing the Contradictions: Aesthetic Experience, Music and Digitization. Cultural Sociology 12 (3): 289–302.

Hanrahan, N.W. 2019. Digitized Music and the Aesthetic Experience of Difference. In The Dialectic of Digital Culture , ed. D. Arditi and J. Miller, 165–179. Lanham: Lexington Books.

Hatch, C. 1962. Music for America: A Critical Controversy of the 1850s. American Quarterly 14 (4): 578–586.

Hentoff, N. 2010. At the Jazz Band Ball: 60 Years on the Jazz Scene . Berkeley: University of California Press.

Hersch, C. 1995. “Let freedom ring!”: Free Jazz and African-American Politics. Cultural Critique 32: 97–123.

Hesmondhalgh, D. 1998. Post-punk’s Attempt to Democratise the Music Industry: The Success and Failure of Rough Trade. Popular Music 16 (3): 255–274.

Hesmondhalgh, D. 2013. Why Music Matters . Malden: Wiley-Blackwell.

Hesmondhalgh, D. 2019. Have Digital Communication Technologies Democratized the Media Industries. In Media and Society , 6th ed., ed. J. Curran and D. Hesmondhalgh, 101–120. London: Bloomsbury.

Hesmondhalgh, D., and L. Meier. 2015. Popular Music, Independence, and the Concept of the Alternative in Contemporary Capitalism. In Media Independence: Working with Freedom or Working for Free? , ed. J. Bennett and N. Strange, 94–70. New York: Routledge.

Kofsky, F. 1970. Black Nationalism and the Revolution in Music . New York: Pathfinder Press.

Lanier, J. 2010. You are Not a Gadget . New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

Levine, L. 1988. Highbrow/Lowbrow: The Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America . Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Leyshon, A. 2009. The Software Slump? Digital Music, the Democratization of Technology, and the Decline of the Recording Studio Sector Within the Musical Economy. Environment and Planning A 41 (6): 1309–1331.

Liu, A. 2004. The Laws of Cool: Knowledge Work and the Culture of Information . Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Mahiet, D. 2014. Must We Choose Between Democracy and Music? On a Curious Silence in Tocqueville’s Democracy in America. History of European Ideas 40 (3): 360–380.

Manuel, Peter. 1993. Cassette Culture: Popular Music and Technology in North India . Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Marcuse, H. 1964. One Dimensional Man . Boston: Beacon Press.

McCormick, A.O. 1932. Radio’s Audience: Huge, Unprecedented. The New York Times , 3 April.

MIDIA. 2012. How Much Streaming is Really Worth to Artists: A Consumption Analysis, 12 December. http://musicindustryblog.wordpress.com/2012/12/12/how-much-streaming-is-really-worth-to-artists-a-consumption-analysis/ .

Monson, I. 1997. Abbey Lincoln’s Straight Ahead: Jazz in the Era of the Civil Rights Movement. In Between Resistance and Revolution: Cultural Politics and Social Protest , ed. R. Fox and O. Starn, 171–194. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press.

Monson, I. 2007. Freedom Sounds: Civil Rights Call Out to Jazz and Africa .  Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

Nancy, J.-L. 2011. Finite and Infinite Democracy. In Democracy in What State? , ed. G. Agamben, et al., 58–75. New York: Columbia University Press.

Panish, J. 1997. The Color of Jazz: Race and Representation in Postwar American Culture . Jackson: University Press of Mississippi.

Porter, E. 2002. What is This Thing Called Jazz? African American Musicians as Artists, Critics, and Activists . Berkeley: University of California Press.

Prey, R. 2012. The Network’s Blindspot: Exclusion, Exploitation and Marx’s Process-Relational Ontology. Triple C 10 (2): 253–273.

Price, J. 2008/2011. The Democratization of the Music Industry. Huffington Post , 24 March. https://www.huffpost.com/entry/the-democratization-of-th_b_93065?guccounter=1&guce_referrer=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuYmluZy5jb20v&guce_referrer_sig=AQAAAMjBOeJZRFOIDkTwLTX6qq7Mji3VhzqHH6gX0mtntWyceX5x1SshChD3-XYjyfmO560zRP4Npau0s5KZDcmqoxcXm-CPDWnZdtSdjCrwKkqNPII2AKrCt8RR654pKd7s86v_-tteO9eNe4hVcbZFqoJH3XuNmjwQfJW4e0xk23W -.

Reynolds, D.S. 1995. Walt Whitman’s America: A Cultural Biography . New York: Vintage Books.

Rochlin, G.I. 1997. Trapped in the Net: The Unintended Consequences of Computerization . Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Suisman, D. 2009. Selling Sounds: The Commercial Revolution in American Music . Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Szemere, A. 2001. Up from the Underground: The Culture of Rock Music in Postsocialist Hungary . University Park: The Pennsylvania University Press.

Tanaka, A. 2006. Interaction, Experience and the Future of Music. In Consuming Music Together: Social and Collaborative Aspects of Music Consumption Technologies , ed. K. O’Hara and B. Brown, 267–288. Dordrecht: Springer.

Chapter   Google Scholar  

Theberge, P. 1997. Any Sound You Can Imagine: Making Music/Consuming Technology . London: Wesleyan University Press.

Download references

Acknowledgements

Many thanks to Daniel Afzal and Claire Anderson for assisting with the research for this project. Sincere thanks also to Lisa McCormick for her editorial wisdom, and to David Hesmondhalgh and the anonymous reviewers for AJCS for their thoughtful comments on an earlier draft of this article.

Author information

Authors and affiliations.

Department of Sociology and Anthropology, George Mason University, 4400 University Drive, Fairfax, VA, 22030, USA

Nancy Weiss Hanrahan

You can also search for this author in PubMed   Google Scholar

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Nancy Weiss Hanrahan .

Additional information

Publisher's note.

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

About this article

Hanrahan, N.W. Music and democracy in America: historical perspectives on ‘democratization’ in the digital age. Am J Cult Sociol 10 , 206–224 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41290-021-00138-x

Download citation

Accepted : 08 June 2021

Published : 07 August 2021

Issue Date : June 2022

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1057/s41290-021-00138-x

Share this article

Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:

Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article.

Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative

• Democratization
• Digitalization
• Music criticism
• Find a journal
• Publish with us
• Track your research

Music and Politics in Poland:

The warsaw autumn festival (1956-1961), by cindy bylander.

Originally published on the PMC website on 8 August 2000

Introduction

Of the Eastern European countries that were under the domination of the Soviet Union from shortly after World War II until the beginning of the 1990s, Poland has been the most prominent in the area of contemporary musical composition. Beginning in the mid-1950s and continuing throughout more than three decades of Soviet domination, Poland’s government consistently supported the use of avant-garde compositional techniques and promoted the development of international artistic contacts. Its most important initiative in music and, indeed, in the entire area of Polish culture, was the Warsaw Autumn International Festival of Contemporary Music. Since its inception in 1956 the Festival has been widely acclaimed for its unique ability to present compositions and performers from both East and West on an annual basis, its promotion of personal contacts among colleagues having varying artistic and political philosophies, and its role in bringing such Polish composers as Lutoslawski and Penderecki to the international limelight.

Despite these publicly acknowledged successes, the Festival has been plagued with many problems not discussed in the published literature. Most of these difficulties have arisen precisely because the event occurred within the geopolitical confines of post-World War II Eastern Europe. Indeed, it is amazing that the Festival was a success at all, given the immense difficulties that confronted the organizers.

I have been able to reconstruct the organizational processes of the first five Festivals – those from 1956 to 1961- from collections of unpublished correspondence and minutes of meetings located at the Polish Composers Union headquarters in Warsaw. Information available in these documents demonstrates clearly that politicized decisions made in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, including Poland, adversely affected the ability of the Festival’s organizers to achieve their goal of presenting an artistically and geographically balanced review of twentieth-century music each year. Although a lack of sufficient amounts of hard currency was an annual problem, the most serious complications confronting the organizers resulted from the blatant disregard by the Soviet Union and other Eastern European countries of requests from Poland concerning performers and repertoire. According to interviews conducted with some of the organizers of subsequent Warsaw Autumn Festivals, many of the same politically-motivated hindrances were experienced annually from 1961 until approximately 1989, when a non-Communist government came to power in Poland. Although my focus will be on the Festival’s first five years, a brief summary of the difficulties encountered in the decades after that will be given at the conclusion of this paper.

General Organizational Scenario

In order to understand the specific problems of a political nature that faced the Festivals’ planners, a review of the organizational framework for the Festival is helpful. This framework was approved by Poland’s Ministry of Culture and Art, the event’s principal patron. (2)  The basic features of this system remained the same from the Festival’s beginning until approximately 1990. Two groups served as the primary planners. One of these, a Program Committee, was to choose both the repertoire and the performers. Although this Committee did not always exist by this specific name, a small number of composers, musicologists, and conductors always served in that function. (Throughout this paper the term “Program Committee” will be used with the understanding that this was not always the group’s official name.) The program worked out by this Committee was to be approved by a second and larger group, the Festival Committee, which consisted each year of the president and other members of the Polish Composers Union and the directors of three other agencies within the Ministry of Culture and Art, these being the Department of Music, (3)  the Bureau of Foreign Cultural Cooperation, and PAGART, the Polish Artists Agency. Beginning in 1960 the Festival Committee also included the directors of the National Philharmonic and the State Opera in Warsaw, the Editor-in-Chief of state-run Polish Radio, and a representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

In addition to approving the concert programs, this Committee provided a budget estimate for each Festival and ensured that all organizational details were taken care of. For the most part it merely rubber-stamped the choices arranged previously by its constituent agencies and the Program Committee, although on occasion it suggested both performers and compositions. The actions of its member agencies, however, affected the contents of each Festival. For example, the Department of Music, which acted as the spokesman for the Minister of Culture and Art in Festival matters, announced budget allocations for the Festival, rendered judgments about the feasibility of inviting specific performers, and had the power to grant final approval of the Festival program.

The Bureau for Foreign Cultural Cooperation coordinated the activities called for in Poland’s bilateral cultural exchange agreements with the Soviet Union and other Eastern European countries. Thus, although the Program and Festival Committees could and did suggest performers and pieces from these regions, the officials in each country who controlled these cultural exchanges could (and did) veto or delay decisions about their inclusion in the program.

PAGART was created in 1957, after the first Festival. It was the only institution empowered to negotiate contracts with the foreign performers who appear at each Festival. However, before initiating talks or finalizing these contracts, its officials have always had to receive permission for such actions from either the Bureau for Foreign Cultural Cooperation or the Department of Music.

The role of the Polish Composers Union in the Festival’s organization changed somewhat in the years after 1956. That first year members of the Union personally handled negotiations with Western European ensembles, but relied on the Bureau for Foreign Cultural Cooperation to relay requests to Soviet and Eastern European performers through analogous institutions in each country. In 1958, the year of the second Festival, the Union’s Executive Board acted as the Program Committee, but depended on the other agencies mentioned above to help finalize the program. After 1959 selected members of the Union belonged to the Program and Festival Committees, but the Union as a whole did not have any direct influence on the Festival’s program.

The methods of communications that were required because of the administrative structure of Soviet-bloc governments contributed directly to the difficulties faced by the Program Committee. Beginning in 1958 communications concerning program requests were always sent from the Program Committee or its equivalent through PAGART to all foreign performers invited to the Festival. At the same time, the Program Committee was also able to correspond personally with Western musicians.

Direct communications between this Committee and Soviet or Eastern European performers rarely occurred. With these musicians PAGART played the same role of intermediary as it did with the West, but at least one more layer of bureaucracy was always added. Either the Bureau for Foreign Cultural Cooperation or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs communicated with the Ministry of Culture or an analogous institution in each Soviet-bloc country; these foreign agencies then usually made a decision after only perfunctory consultations with the performers in question. Such impersonal communications offered little chance for the organizers in Poland to discuss Festival matters with musicians from the East; they also slowed down the decision-making process considerably.

Political Problems I: Germany

Although the organizational framework of the Festival called for the Program Committee to choose all performers and repertoire, subject to the approval of the Festival Committee and the Department of Music, governmental agencies in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe ultimately controlled which performers from their nations would appear at the Festival and what compositions each would present. Their decisions were not based on artistic considerations, but instead were subjugated to the political concerns of each country. Due in large part to the nature of these decisions and to the frequency with which they occurred, arranging the performers and repertoire from the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe became the primary source of difficulties for the Polish organizers each year.

The most flagrant case of political interference documented in the aforementioned collections occurred in 1958, when the organizers in Poland attempted to invite, first, the Hamburg Opera from West Germany, and later, the East Berlin Opera. A detailed description of this episode will serve to illustrate the circuitous paths of communications required to prepare the Festival’s program, and the severity of the politicized maneuverings encountered by the organizers.

Although other Western performers were also invited to participate in the 1958 Festival, the East German government complained only about those from West Germany, probably because diplomatic relations between the two nations were still precarious in the aftermath of the geopolitical divisions made following World War II. No other specific domestic or foreign policy crises that could have had ramifications on the Festival occurred in these countries or in Poland during the years in question.

Negotiations with the Hamburg Opera had begun by April 1957. (4)  Nearly a year later, in March 1958, the Opera presented two financial options to PAGART and the Program Committee. One alternative called for performances of Berg’s Wozzeck and operas by Werner Egk and Rolf Liebermann; the second allowed for the presentation of only Egk’s and Liebermann’s works. The Opera was willing to request a subsidy from the German Foreign Office to cover the difference between what the Polish side could afford and the actual cost of bringing the company to Poland.  (5)

An agreement with the Opera was never completed. At another meeting held in March, Andrzej Dobrowolski – a member of the Program Committee – noted that bringing the Opera would be extremely expensive, but that it was still being considered. Ostensibly due to the perceived high cost of this company, the East Berlin Opera was mentioned as a possible alternative. The Berlin troupe’s performance could be arranged via a cultural exchange, through which all expenses could be paid in zloties instead of hard currency. One of the operas being discussed with that company was  Wozzeck,  whose performance evidently was highly desired by the Polish organizers. (6)

In an effort to lower its hard-currency expenses and as a sign of its continued interest in the Festival, the Hamburg Opera then suggested that a Polish orchestra accompany its productions in Warsaw. PAGART responded in late April that such an arrangement was not feasible due to the Polish orchestra’s lack of familiarity with the music to be performed, and that, consequently, the invitation to come to Poland would be withdrawn.  (7)

In both Poland and West Germany the publicly stated reason for not bringing the Hamburg Opera to the Festival was that financial difficulties precluded the successful conclusion of negotiations. (8)  However, other more convincing reasons for the discontinuation of talks can be identified.

As mentioned earlier, talks were being held with the Berlin Opera by March. At an April meeting of the Program and Festival Committees, discussion revolved around a message sent from the East German Embassy in Warsaw to the Bureau for Foreign Cultural Cooperation. Purportedly, the directors of the Berlin Opera were insulted that negotiations were being held simultaneously with them and the Hamburg Opera, and therefore they refused to bring their group to the Festival. The Program Committee’s response was to reiterate its preference for the Hamburg Opera, saying that the playing quality of the Leipzig Radio Orchestra was not sufficiently high to warrant an invitation.  (9)  Within a week, however, as mentioned earlier, PAGART informed the West German group that its services would not be needed. It is my contention that the assertions given publicly and to the director of the Hamburg Opera that this company could not come due to hard-currency insufficiencies or to orchestral difficulties were made precisely to cover the fact that a politically-motivated ruling to substitute an East German group had already been made. In other words, PAGART and the rest of the Festival’s organizers were compelled to withdraw their offer to the Hamburg Opera after governmental institutions in East Germany made clear their displeasure with the prospect of a West German ensemble performing at the Festival instead of one from their country.

Further condemning evidence concerning this incident came in comments made by individuals involved in planning the Festival. As composer Tadeusz Szeligowski put it: “there is nothing we can do about it – for example, with the Hamburg Opera, that is the business of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.” (10)  Wiktor Weinbaum from the Department of Music confirmed that it was this Ministry that ordered the Program and Festival Committees to stop negotiations with the Hamburg Opera, even though these talks had been progressing smoothly. If a shortage of hard currency or the difficulty of the music had been the only reasons for the withdrawal of the invitation, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs would not have intervened: this agency did not pay any of the Festival’s expenses, and it would not have been involved in purely artistic matters. Clearly, complaints from the East German government had forced this change.

The decision by Poland to pursue discussions with East Germany did not guarantee a swift or unimpeded conclusion to the matter of opera productions at the 1958 Festival. The East German government, through its Ministry of Culture and Art and its embassy in Warsaw, seemed to be acting to ensure that the Berlin Opera would not perform in Warsaw by falsely claiming that the ensemble was approached only in May or early June, when in reality talks actually had been held as early as March. If the East Germans truly had been concerned about the lateness of invitations, they would not have made yet another change in June, only four months before the start of the Festival.  (11)  With this new proposal the East Germans upped the ante, stipulating that a group not named previously “the Leipzig Opera” would go to Warsaw as a substitute for the Leipzig Radio Orchestra  if  specific orchestral and chamber compositions by East German composers were also performed. At the actual Festival the Leipzig Opera did not perform, but the Leipzig Radio Orchestra and Choir did present one concert consisting primarily of works by East German composers.

The decision to refuse permission to the Berlin Opera obviously was made by East Germany’s government, not by Poland’s. All known communications regarding this matter took place between officials from Polish and East German agencies other than the Program Committee or the Opera itself. Nonetheless, even the Polish agencies involved in these negotiations were unable to change the Germans’ minds. The Program Committee made little or no contribution to that decision-making process.

As mentioned earlier, except for the strained governmental relations between East and West Germany, no overriding political crises occurred in these countries or in Poland in 1957 or 1958 that could explain the above actions taken by East Germany. The difficulties just described should be seen instead as the dissatisfaction in East Germany with the liberalizing trends taking place in Polish music in the late 1950s, which were exemplified by the creation of the Warsaw Autumn Festival. The maneuverings by East Germany also should be seen as typical tactics used by East European governments in their quest to be represented at the Festival, not just in 1958 but in subsequent years as well. For example, at a meeting of the Festival’s organizers held immediately following the 1958 Festival, decisions about the future of the event were based on the realities of Poland’s place in Eastern Europe. As Wiktor Weinbaum explained,

“…We are functioning in a certain geographical, political, and financial situation…The Festivals…must take place annually or not at all, since…the People’s Democracies will demand performances of their works…If in the repertoire of the Festival there will not be a suitable amount of works by composers of the People’s Democracies, the Festival loses its political right to exist.”  (12)

Political Problems II: Soviet Union

The organizers affirmed the need to invite performers from different countries each year, while maintaining a balanced number of ensembles and soloists from East and West. Such a system has been employed to some extent throughout the Festival’s history; one notable exception has been the annual presence of performers and compositions from the Soviet Union, an occurrence intentionally planned by the Polish organizers. Tadeusz Baird, one of the initiators of the Festival foresaw the need for this during specific discussions about the 1959 Festival: “The Polish Composers Union can count on the possibility of certain attacks and gunfire…It is better to anticipate certain objections than to defend oneself later. For example, the importation of the Hungarian orchestra [in 1959] with the lack of a Soviet group might make many things difficult for us in the future.” (13)

Information on negotiations with the Soviet Union is scarce in comparison to that available for other countries. Nevertheless, it is evident that the Soviet government did control the selection of its performers and compositions for the Warsaw Festival. One episode, documented in 1960, provides a clear example of such politically-motivated interference. This incident also illustrates the Program Committee’s persistent attempts to link the selection of performers to the repertoire each was capable of offering. In March 1960 the Festival Committee was informed by PAGART director Szymon Zakrzewski that the Soviets had withdrawn Mstislav Rostropovich’s name from consideration as a performer at that year’s Festival, even though the Program Committee had requested his services and had been assured about two weeks earlier that he would come.  (14)  The Soviets proposed cellist Daniel Shafran as a substitute, even though he would be unable to perform the composition requested by the Polish organizers and already agreed upon with Rostropovich – Shostakovich’s First Cello Concerto, written in 1959 and premiered that year by Rostropovich and the Leningrad Philharmonic.

As Zakrzewski reported, the Soviets also “w[ere] placing much emphasis” on the replacement of Sviastoslav Richter, the Soviet pianist requested by the Program Committee, with Arno Babadjanjan, a pianist and composer of folk and classically oriented pieces. The Soviets’ explanation for this proposed change was that Babadjanjan was considered to be “a r epresentative of contemporary Soviet music.” (15)  Polish composer Kazimierz Serocki, however, pointed out that Richter had already suggested a recital acceptable to the Committee of compositions by Bartók, Szymanowski, Shostakovich, Prokofiev, and Hindemith.

The Festival Committee persisted in requesting Rostropovich and Richter because of these performers’ abilities to offer works that the Program Committee desired. The performers suggested by the Soviets – Shafran and Babadjanjan – did not know what they would play in Warsaw, and as Serocki stated in discussing the dilemma, “we [in Poland] are interested only in performers with specific works.” (16)  A decision about Richter was expected in a few days; neither he nor Babajanjan performed at the Festival. Rostropovich did appear, playing Shostakovich’s Cello Concerto, while a Soviet vocalist, Zara Dolukhanova, presented a recital of pieces by Prokofiev, Miaskovsky, Iury Kochurov, Grigorij Frid, and Aleksander Dolukhanian. The works of the latter three composers were not widely known even in their own country. This recital apparently was inserted into the schedule only in September, the very month of the Festival.

These actions taken by the Soviet government were not artistically sound or even fully explained to the Festival’s organizers. In the case of Rostropovich no reason was given for his potential replacement by Shafran. As for the suggested substitution of Babadjanjan for Richter, the justification given by the Soviets reflected their intention to present someone whose views and compositions were more in line with their official policy of socialist realism in the arts. The exploits of the Soviet government can also be seen as an attempt to undermine the international attractiveness of the Festival at a time when this event had already begun to draw high praise in the foreign press. Moreover, these acts offer proof that such renowned performers as Richter and Rostropovich were not able to arrange their own touring schedules, but were obligated to adhere to the wishes of their government.

Political Problems III: Poland

In contrast to these endeavors, the leadership in Poland rarely exercised its political leverage in artistic decisions concerning the Festival. Except for its possible complicity in the Hamburg Opera fiasco in 1958, the government’s only other act of interference during the five years in question at this point was to prohibit the performance of works by certain Polish emigrés, most notably Andrzej Panufnik and Roman Palester, both of whom had left the country in the decade following World War II because of their displeasure with the results of socialist realism. Similarly, on only one occasion did a Western government obstruct the organizers’ efforts, that being in 1958, when Italy refused to give Bruno Maderna a passport to come to Poland.

I have been able to see only a few unpublished documents pertaining to the Festivals after 1961, none of which describe the planning process in detail. However, according to comments made to me by musicologist Jozef Patkowski and composers Zygmunt Krauze, Augustyn Bloch, and Marek Stachowski, all of whom were or have been members of the Program Committee for many years, the familiar but critical problems of extra-musical manipulations by Soviet and Eastern European governments persisted at least until 1989. Although these men offered few specific examples, their unanimity of opinions attests to the validity of their remarks. As each indicated, the repertoire for concerts by Soviet and Eastern European performers was selected by the Ministry of Culture in each country, with negotiations being conducted via the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Bureau for Foreign Cultural Cooperation in Poland. Works of poor quality often were submitted by these foreign agencies to the Program Committee, which then was forced to try to arrange something more in line with its own goals. The Committee’s lack of direct access to scores as well as to most pertinent composers and performers made this task extremely time-consuming and frustrating.

Negotiations with the Soviet Union were regarded by the Program Committee as nearly impossible to conduct, since the Soviet Ministry of Culture frequently either did not answer letters or offered information different from what had been requested. Eventually, the Program Committee recognized that the performers and repertoire for the two to three of the concerts arranged each year through cultural exchanges would always be in flux until the start of each Festival.

Transformations after 1989

The two Festivals held immediately after the collapse of Poland’s Communist government, those presented in 1989 and 1990, stand apart from all earlier ones. In each, the Program Committee demonstrated its astute capacity to be at the forefront of the changing political scene in Europe. Among its most immediate moves was to program compositions by emigré composers that previously had been prohibited or restricted from performance. For example, the works of Andrzej Panufnik, the Polish composer mentioned earlier, could not be played in his native country until 1977; from then until 1989, they could not be performed on the Festival’s opening concert. At the 1989 Festival, which occurred after Solidarity member Tadeusz Mazowiecki became Prime Minister, the inaugural concert featured Panufnik’s music. In 1990 Panufnik agreed to return to Poland for the first time since 1954, in recognition of the fact that the government that had pronounced him a traitor upon his defection was no longer in power. At the 1990 Festival two concerts, including the opening one, were dedicated to his music.

In a similar vein, compositions by Arvo Pärt, who emigrated from the Soviet Union to the West in 1980, had been banned from performance in Poland from that time until 1987. The Program Committee had scheduled his Fratres for the 1985 Festival, but it was cancelled by the Polish Ministry of Culture and Art after protests from the Soviet Embassy in Warsaw. At the 1989 Festival, an entire concert of Pärt’s music was given by the Hilliard Ensemble.

At the 1990 Festival the liberalizing trends in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe continued to emerge: the lone Soviet contribution was the New Music Ensemble from Lithuania, which offered pieces by composers from that republic. Although I have no direct proof of this, I speculate that the Program Committee extended an invitation to performers from Lithuania as a symbol of their solidarity with that republic’s current attempt to achieve independence. Correspondingly, a concert of music by composers from East and West Berlin was programmed that year in recognition of the unification of Germany.

Another example of the recent decrease in politicized maneuverings in the Soviet bloc is the fact that for approximately twenty years the Festival’s organizers had attempted to arrange a program of compositions from the Bratislava Radio Electronic Music Studio. Only in 1989 did they succeed in acquiring permission from the Czechoslovakian government for this concert, although other composers from that country had been heard at these Festivals in the interim.

Conclusions

The Polish organizers of the Festival consistently were affected by the realities of holding an international event in post-World War II Eastern Europe. The mixture of music and politics with regard to this annual gala was unsuccessful in many of its manifestations: deliberate delays in correspondence were added to an already circuitous system of communications, and the Program Committee faced continual difficulties primarily because of political considerations in Poland and, especially, elsewhere in the Soviet bloc.

The reasons for most if not all of the politicized maneuverings that occurred from 1956 to 1989 can be traced to the biases of the Soviet and Eastern European governments. The policy of socialist realism in music had been upheld in the Soviet Union and all Eastern European countries except Poland from at least the 1950s to the late 1980s. Thus, while the Polish government permitted the establishment of an international festival of contemporary music, its counterparts in the East bloc showed their displeasure with these plans by controlling which performers and compositions from their countries could be presented. These compositions often were not those that the Festival’s organizers would have chosen had they had that opportunity. At the same time, of course, Soviet and Eastern European governments insisted on their countries being represented at the Festival, as a ploy to show the Western world that they were committed to openness in the field of music. The actions described in this paper have, I hope, refuted that point.

(1) An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 1990 AMS-Midwest Conference.

(2) “Projekt. Regulamin Miedzynarodowego Festiwalu Muzyki Wspolczesnej,” Collection of Correspondence and Minutes, International Festival of Contemporary Music, 1958, Polish Composers Union, Warsaw; Zarzadzenie Nr 39 Ministra Kultury i Sztuki z dnia 24 lutego 1959 r. w sprawie Zorganizowania III Miedzynarodowego Festiwalu Muzyki Wspolczesnej, Biuletyn Ministerstwa Kultury i Sztuki (1959), nr 5, poz. 48; Zarzadzenie nr 214 z dnia 22 grudnia 1959 r. W sprawie miedzynarodowych festiwali muzyki wspolczesnej w Polsce,” Biuletyn Ministerstwa Kultury i Sztuki (1960), nr 1, poz. 7; Zarzadzenie nr 32 Ministra Kultury i Sztuki z dnia 7 marca 1960 r. zmieniajace zarzadzenie Nr 214 z dnia 22 grudnia 1959 r. w sprawie miedzynarodowych festiwali muzyki wspolczesnej w Polsce,” Biuletyn Ministerstwa Kultury i Sztuki (1960), nr 6, poz. 50.

(3) The Department of Music has gone through several name changes since the creation of the Warsaw Autumn Festival. In 1958 it was called the Central Board of Music Institutions.

(4) Sikorski and Dobrowolski to Heinz Tietjen or Herbert Paris, Hamburg Opera, September 1957-March 1958; and “Wyciag ze stenogramu obrad Plenum ZG ZKP w dniu 4.X.57 r.,” Collection of Correspondence and Minutes, 1958.

(5) Herbert Paris, Director of the Hamburg Opera, to PAGART, March 30 and April 29, 1958; and Herbert Paris to the Polish Composers Union, December 5, 1957, Collection of Correspondence and Minutes, 1958.

(6) “Protokol z zebrania Plenum ZG ZKP w dn. 15 marca 1958 r.,” Collection of Correspondence and Minutes, 1958.

(7) Szymon Zakrzewski, PAGART, to Herbert Paris, Hamburg Opera, June 24, 1958, Collection of Correspondence and Minutes, 1958.

(8) Dobrowolski noted on June 6 that the West German press had cited financial difficulties as the reason for the cessation of negotiations: “Protokol z zebrania rozszerzonego plenum Zarzadu Glownego Zwiazku Kompozytorow Polskich i Komitetu Festiwalowego w dniu 6 czerwca 1958 r.,” Collection of Correspondence and Minutes, 1958. Similarly, Kotonski, in an interview published in Poland in April, had stated that the Polish organizers lacked the hard currency required to pay for such a large group: (SDr), “Juz wiosnal myslimy o ‘Warszawskiej Jesieni’, “Kurier Polski, no. 99 (April 29, 1958).

(9) “Protokol z zebrania plenarnego Zarzadu Glownego Z.K.P. oraz Komisji Festiwalowej w dniu 26 kwietnia 1958 r., ” Collection of Correspondence and Minutes, 1958.

(10) “Na to nie mamy rady – np z opera hamburska to jest sprawa MSZ [Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych].” “Stenogram z posiedzenia Komitetu Festiwalowego II Miedzynarodowego Festiwalu Muzyki Wspolczesnej, w dniu 30 sierpnia 1958 r.,” Collection of Correspondence and Minutes, 1958.

(11) “Protokol z zebrania plenarnego Zarzadu Glownego Z.K.P. oraz Komisji Festiwalowej w dniu 26 kwietnia 1958 r., ” Collection of Correspondence and Minutes, 1958; hen, “Dzis rozmawiamy z sekretarzem generalnym Zwiazku Kompozytorow Polskich,” Sztandar mlodych, no. 218 (1958).

(12) “Dzialamy w pewnej sytuacji geograficznej, politycznej i finansowej…Festiwale musza odbywac sie corocznie albo wcale, gdyz…Kraje Demokracji Ludowej beda zadaly wykonywania ich utworow…Jezeli w repertuarze festiwalu nie bedzie odpowiedniej ilosci utworow kompozytorow Krajow Demokracji ludowej, festiwal traci polityczna racje bytu.” “Protokol z posiedzenia rozszerzonego Plenum Zarzadu Glownego Zwiazku Kompozytorow Polskich w dniu 17 pazdzierniku 1958 r.” Collection of Correspondence and Minutes, 1959.

(13) “Z.K.P. moze sie liczyc z mozliwoscia pewnych atakow i obstrzalow…lepiej uprzedzic pewne zarzuty niz bronic sie potem, np. sprowadzenie orkiestry we gierskiej przy braku zespolu radzieckiego mogloby nam w przyszlosci utrudnic wiele rzeczy.” “Protokol z posiedzenia rozszerzonego Plenum Zarza du Glownego Zwia zku Kompozytorow Polskich w dniu 17 pazdzierniku 1958 r.,” Collection of Correspondence and Minutes, 1959.

(14) “Protokol z posiedzenia Komisji Repertuarowej IV Miedzynarodowego Festiwalu Muzyki Wspolczesnej – w dniu 1 marca 1960 r.”; and “Protokol z zebrania Prezydijm Komitetu Festiwalowego w dniu 19 marca 1960 r.,” Collection of Correspondence and Minutes, 1960.

(15) “reprezentanta wspolczesnej muzyki radzieckiej.” “Protokol z zebrania Prezydium Komitetu Festiwalowego w dniu 19 marca 1960 r.,” Collection of Correspondence and Minutes, 1960.

(16) “Interesuja nas ich wykonawcy tylko konkretnymi utworami.” Ibid.

Music and Its Political Nature Essay

Introduction, works cited.

The political importance of music can be hardly underestimated. Music has been used by the representatives of different political groups and formations along with the representatives of different social layers to express their ideas and share their thoughts and feelings since the very beginning of human civilization. These people also used music as a way to affect the minds and hearts of other people using strong emotional appeals that music features.

First of all, evaluating the political importance of music on the example of the history of the United States, music’s role in defining ethnic or racial communities is to be addressed. Evaluating several music genres and styles, it appears that many of them define specific ethnic and racial communities. For instance, blues initially contrived by African-American people as a means to express their pain on the reason of discrimination and racial prejudice was applied for political aims (Kubik 161). This kind of music affected the masses of the African-American population in the United States and inspired them for fighting against their hardships. The history of the formation of the African-American community is closely connected to the history of blues. This music was born as one of the most significant characteristics of the newly developed African-American culture. With the duration of time, it helped these people recognize their position in the American society, and occupy their niche in it as fully legitimate citizens of the country. Beginning from the nineteenth century and ending in the 1960s, blues went through a period of forming a particular way of thinking between African-Americans (Kubik 163). It helped them feel like well-deserving citizens of the country able to fight for their rights and freedoms. This illustration makes it evident that music is crucially important for the formation of national and ethnic values within communities. The other examples showing that music often plays an important role in defining ethnic or racial communities are soul, funk, jazz, and rap. The soul which became a “descendent” of blues continued to shape the minds of African-American people and inspire them to continue their fight for their rights as American citizens. Nowadays, such role is played by jazz, funk, and rap. These music styles developed from their predecessors of blues and soul and occupied their position in shaping the minds of African-American people and helping them be inspired for perusing their political aims as a community.

Next, discussing music as a way to support or oppose military efforts, it should be stated that its strength in this area is more than mind-blowing. There are many examples of this phenomenon in the history of the United States. For instance, during World War II, songwriters put a lot of effort into exalting American soldiers’ bravery. The results of such a strategy were considerable. From day to day, more and more soldiers kept showing incredible courage in the military campaign. This result becomes especially significant when reflecting on the situation among the soldiers at the beginning of the war. The other example of this phenomenon is hippy music popular in the 1970s when the United States actively engaged in a strange war in Vietnam. Society was against this odd war taking away the lives of thousands of young Americans for no special reason, wasting a lot of financial means for the vain pursuits, and making thousands of young American men mentally and physically invalid. Hippy music played a crucial role in inspiring the country’s population to protest against this war and stop this voracious conflict (Gilbert and Pearson 26, 93).

Further, regarding the music used for patriotic purposes, it should be stated that the period of its blossoming started in the nineteenth century which is connected to the raise of patriotic moods within the American society. The ideas of patriotism were spread both in classical and popular music during that time. For example, Stephen Foster was a famous composer during this period. He inspired the nation with exalted ideas of patriotism. Among his great works are “Maryland, My Maryland”, “The Battle Hymn of the Republic” and “John Brown’s Body”. The other significant example of patriotic music popular in the United States for more than a century is country music. This music originally coming from Texas and Alabama, the states which are considered to be the heart of American culture, is full of exalted thoughts concerning the beauty of American land and the strength of its people’s spirit (Lewis 24, 27).

In addition, music separates or unites socio-economic classes. This phenomenon is seen in many ways. Music is addressed to its listener. In case of music has lyrics their ideas should be close to those people who will listen to it. It is noticed by the specialist in sociology that people choose the style of music they listen to depending on their position in society. People with better incomes and noble origins choose classic music or popular music of fine quality whereas people of lower classes choose rebellious or moody music such as rock and rap (Arblaster 23). An example of such a phenomenon is observed in the history of the country many times. For instance, rock and roll music became a power shaping the minds of American youth and uniting it using the ideas of joy and happiness on the reason of being a part of developed and rich American society. According to Bonta, this music had incredible results during the period of 1960s to 1980s when American youngsters were united by the ideas promoted through the performers of rock and roll music (45, 48, 51-53).

Finally, speaking about how music has affected me personally on a political basis, it is worth saying that it often inspires me with the ideas of patriotism. I have a special feeling when the hymn of the country is played. In addition, I am also inspired by the styles of the music uniting the representatives of one social layer. Such music helps me see the benefits of belonging to certain groups of people which makes me move actively as I want to achieve more to be a part of a prestigious social layer.

Concluding on all the above-discussed information, it should be stated that music has been known for centuries as a strong means to affect the minds and hearts of people. The way music is effective in spreading certain ideas among the people of the country is well seen in the history of the United States. Looking through the different periods of the country’s past, it is possible to see music as a powerful patriotic motivator, inspirer to be brave in military actions, or on the contrary, to stop them, motivator to be united with the members of a certain social group and so on.

Arblaster, Anthony. “Self-identity and National Identity in Classical Music.” Journal of Political and Military Sociology 30.2 (2002): 259+. Questia . Web.

Bonta, Steve. “Is It “Only Rock ‘N’ Roll”? Far from Being Just a Youthful Fad, Rock and Roll Music Is a Powerful Force for Subversive Cultural Social, and Political Change.” The New American . 2002: 10+. Questia . Web.

Gilbert, Jeremy, and Ewan Pearson. Discographies: Dance Music, Culture, and the Politics of Sound . London: Routledge, 1999. Questia . Web.

Kubik, Gerhard. Africa and the Blues . Jackson, MS: University Press of Mississippi, 1999. Questia . Web.

Lewis, George. All That Glitters: Country Music in America . Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1993. Questia . Web.

• Chicago (A-D)
• Chicago (N-B)

IvyPanda. (2022, February 1). Music and Its Political Nature. https://ivypanda.com/essays/music-and-its-political-nature/

"Music and Its Political Nature." IvyPanda , 1 Feb. 2022, ivypanda.com/essays/music-and-its-political-nature/.

IvyPanda . (2022) 'Music and Its Political Nature'. 1 February.

IvyPanda . 2022. "Music and Its Political Nature." February 1, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/music-and-its-political-nature/.

1. IvyPanda . "Music and Its Political Nature." February 1, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/music-and-its-political-nature/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Music and Its Political Nature." February 1, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/music-and-its-political-nature/.

• Concepts of How the Blues Music Started In America
• Rap and Rock: Combination of Styles
• The Rhetoric of Violence in Rap
• Music: Orchestras Nowadays
• Hoffmann’s “Beethoven’s Instrumental Music”
• The Suzuki Violin Teaching Method
• Comparison of two Readings about Joseph Haydn
• The Diversity of the Baroque Music

We use cookies to enhance our website for you. Proceed if you agree to this policy or learn more about it.

• Essay Database >
• Essay Examples >
• Essays Topics >
• Essay on United States

Sample Essay On How Does Music Influence Politics

Type of paper: Essay

Topic: United States , Influence , Song , Life , Music , Politics , Anthem , War

Words: 1250

Published: 02/26/2020

ORDER PAPER LIKE THIS

Music has for years without number formed an integral part of mankind from its very existence. Henry Wadsworth Longfellow in acknowledging this fundamental and pivotal role of music stated asserts that music is a universal language. According to him, human beings, through music are able to communicate their emotions, feelings and attitudes towards various issues within the society. Songs have been crafted to touch and influence almost every aspect of the human life-from birth to dating, romance and marriage to death and life supposedly thereafter, to events in-between, sports, work as well as politics, the list is endless. Every event, success, failures and challenges in the life of mankind are best captured in songs not only due to the respite and relief that lie therein but also their timeless nature. They remain in memory and play even long after the demise of the singer and composer. Many musicians while conscious of the inherent power that lie in music, used it as a tool to champion political revolutions and influence; some of which revolutions and influence shaped the global political landscape we are enjoying or love to hate today. The most typical example of the influence of music on politics is national anthems that are on most occasions if not all reminiscent of the struggle of the citizenry for liberty and economic autonomy. National anthems, historical songs and military band music have been used in many countries to express nationhood and patriotism. These provide the platform and the basis upon which politics is based. For instance, the National Anthem of the United States of America, though composed and first sang around 1814, the message therein still remain strikingly relevant and continue to shape the politics of today. The anthem reminds Americans of their war-ravaged past, the dawn of freedom and clamour for braveness, superiority and success. Any politician keen on winning the citizenry’s trust always endeavours to capture the fundamentals of the anthem. Any President or elected official intent on staying longer in office must plan and spin out agenda that are in sync with the ideals enshrined not only in the American Constitution but also in the lyrics of the national anthem. Besides being used a medium of expression of nationhood and patriotism, music has for donkey’s years been employed as a platform for expressing protest at the excesses of the regimes or power-that-be. These include but not limited to music about discrimination of any kind, poverty and oppression. Such anti-establishment lyrics function to not only inform, mobilize, empower and motivate the masses but also to subvert certain anomalous practices.In fact, many songs have in the recent past been made in direct response to politics and political practices.. Many songs were composed in response to wars with the aim of subverting or stopping the same completely and on some occasions, encouraging the same to meet a particular end. The entertainment function was never rudimentary. For instance, Bob Marley vide his song “War” suggests war as the only solution to the widespread racial segregation that sees most of the ‘people of colour’ oppressed and treated in an inhuman manner. He also loathes the widening gap between the haves and the have nots. Marley is confident that only an uprising can help save the situation. He employs various stylistic devices including alliterations, regular rhyme schemes and figurative language to convince the ‘second class citizens’ to go to war to protect their dignity. His songs contributed a lot to and influence the struggle against racial segregation. Moreover, like Bob Marley, Bob Dylan, a prolific and world-beating musician wrote a plethora of music touching on the events of his time including wars. He criticized the decisions of the political class in driving the innocent citizens, men and women into wars they themselves have engineered. He in his song “Masters of War” repeatedly indicated that it was wrong and unethical for politicians to create and build wars that threatened the lives of the citizens and soldiers. Dylan employs anaphora as a stylistic device; he reiterates or repeats various words. Notice the repeated use of ‘You’ at the beginning of every phrase? The approach in use of various stylistic devices in the aforesaid songs is profound as most deal with very delicate, dicey and dangerous themes such as war and politics. It is notable that Marley’s song helped influence and shape the political landscapes of South Africa, Angola and Mozambique. Most of the songs of the 60’s and 70’s influenced the social and political environment in various countries. A lot of artists wrote songs based on politics and in particular those that in their opinion underpinned the Vietnam War. Bob Dylan’s song “A Hard Rain’s Gonna Fall”, though replete with alliteration and repletion and is prima facie ambiguous, voices an opinion on the Vietnam War which was at the material time raging. , uses paradox to paint a picture of the situation while at the same time mocking and condemning the political class whose decisions led to those situations. He sings thus “I saw guns and sharp swords in the hands of young children”. This is a paradox because ordinarily, guns and sharp swords are not commonly held by common adult citizens let alone children. He depicts a story of the far-reaching and devastating effects of war in the lives of the civilians. Further, the Public Enemy band, just like Rage against the Machine during this time helped shape the black liberation movement in the United States of America. Various genres of Music have for so many years been associated with certain political machinations. For instance, folk or traditional or participatory music was employed in union, uprising, strikes, protests and documenting injustices while Jazz was majorly used to stop or stem off the Nazi regime and as a consequence of which they were banned from airplay in 1933 in Berlin. For instance, “We Shall Overcome” was a political folk song very popular and synonymous with the Civil Rights Movements in the United States of America. Moreover, the struggles against poor working conditions and class segregation in the 20th Century led to growth of the Labour Movement and facilitated composition of songs advocating social and political reforms. Joe Hill, The Weavers and Woody Guthrie were some of the most prominent songwriters who championed and advocated change vide their songs. Political folk songs by Ray Korona, Charlie King and Anne Feeny advocated various issues touching on environment, labour, social justice and peace. Racist music as a rather infamous genre promoted and effectively propagated neo-Nazism and White-supremacy ideologies. Country music on the other hand advocated nationalism, brotherliness, religion and patriotism. For instance Merle Haggard’s “The Fighting Side Of Me” and "Okie from Muskogee" were perceived to be patriotic and anti-war.

Works Cited

Copland and Aaron. Effects of the Cold War on the Artist in the U.S. Revised. Chicago: Routledge, 2009. Copland, Aaron. "Effects of the Cold War on the Artist in the U.S. (1949)." In. n.d. Malone and Bill. Country Music U.S.A, 2nd rev. ed. Texas: University of Texas Press, 2007. McDermott, Ian and Bruce Springsteen. Ronald Reagan, and the American Dream. New York: Harper Collins, 2010. Michael and Kater. The Twisted Muse. Revised. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. Perry, Barbara. Hate Crimes. Illustrated. Texas: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2009.

Cite this page

Share with friends using:

Removal Request

Finished papers: 1966

This paper is created by writer with

If you want your paper to be:

Well-researched, fact-checked, and accurate

Original, fresh, based on current data

Eloquently written and immaculately formatted

275 words = 1 page double-spaced

Get your papers done by pros!

Other Pages

Example of devils advocate essay, effects of center of gravity in an aircraft research paper examples, withdrawal of dextropropoxyphene report examples, fire protection summary essay example, example of essay on leader, essay on chicano studies, art and architecture essay example 2, free argumentative essay on treason or morality, example of critical thinking on does god exist, yoga therapy reduces depression symptom in adult patients with depression literature review, essay on doctor patient relationships, example of otiz v st peter 039 s case study, free essay on cultural diversity, good coach subordinate in writing essay example, finance essay examples 4, example of policemen of the world term paper 2, free book review on the rise of theodore roosevelt, example of lets be lefties today essay, example of reflections essay, far cry essays, heart surgery essays, carcinoma essays, hearing aid essays, interrelationship essays, indigestion essays, public debate essays, gossiping essays, glycogen essays, glucose tolerance test essays, torturer essays, train station essays, trade secret essays, jumping essays, dbas essays, nestle reports, sculpture reports, defy college essays, barak college essays, defenders college essays, dirks college essays, danielle college essays, compels college essays.

Password recovery email has been sent to [email protected]

Use your new password to log in

You are not register!

By clicking Register, you agree to our Terms of Service and that you have read our Privacy Policy .

Now you can download documents directly to your device!

Check your email! An email with your password has already been sent to you! Now you can download documents directly to your device.

or Use the QR code to Save this Paper to Your Phone

The sample is NOT original!

Short on a deadline?

Don't waste time. Get help with 11% off using code - GETWOWED

No, thanks! I'm fine with missing my deadline

• Music / Musicians / Instruments

Connection Between Music and Politics Essay

Pages: 5 (1635 words)  ·  Bibliography Sources: 5  ·  File: .docx  ·  Topic: Music

TOPIC: Essay on Connection Between Music and Politics Assignment

Two Ordering Options:

• To download this paper immediately , it takes only 2 minutes to subscribe.  You can individually download any of our 2,000,000+ private & exclusive papers, 24/7!  You'll also receive a permanent, 10% discount on custom writing.  (After you pay and log-in, the "Download Full Paper" link will instantly download any paper(s) that you wish!)
• One of our highly experienced experts will write a brand new, 100% unique paper matching the exact specifications and topic that you provide!  You'll be the only person on the planet to receive the one-of-a-kind paper that we write for you!  Use code "Save10" to save 10% on your 1st order!

Download the perfectly formatted MS Word file!

We'll follow your exact instructions! Chat with the writer 24/7.

Related Essays:

Race Relations: Civil Rights' Impact on Rock-And-Roll Music From 1955-1966 Research Paper …

Roof Politics Social Commentary in Rock: The View from "Up on the Roof" Music is always a reflection of the society that produces it, in one way or another, and…

Pages: 3 (902 words)  ·  Type: Research Paper  ·  Style: APA  ·  Bibliography Sources: 3

Compare and Contrast American Music and Asian Term Paper …

American and Asian Music As an Asian student taking a "History of American music" class, I have been learning many new things about American music. This is not a type…

Pages: 9 (2888 words)  ·  Type: Term Paper  ·  Style: MLA  ·  Bibliography Sources: 5

Hip Hop Culture in Saudi Arabia Research Paper …

Hip Hop Culture in Saudi Arabia Culture and globalization Culture which refers to the symbolic systems Williams 91() through which human beings exist and coexist has been globalized by taking…

Pages: 15 (4627 words)  ·  Type: Research Paper  ·  Style: MLA  ·  Bibliography Sources: 10

Music and African-American Life in "Sonny's Blues Essay …

James Baldwin, "Sonny's Blues" James Baldwin's role as a public intellectual in the Civil Rights era cannot be understated. As an example, we might consider this particular anecdote, which is…

Pages: 10 (3392 words)  ·  Type: Essay  ·  Bibliography Sources: 3

Rhythm, Dynamics, Melody, Harmony and Texture Essay …

¶ … rhythm, dynamics, melody, harmony and texture, and timbre into a composition to add interest and character. Remember to discuss what each of these elements does. There are many…

Pages: 19 (5737 words)  ·  Type: Essay  ·  Bibliography Sources: 0

View other related papers   >>

View 200+ other related papers   >>

How to Cite "Connection Between Music and Politics" Essay in a Bibliography:

Chicago Style

Thu, May 9, 2024

• 5-Day Trial for $8.97
• Write a Paper for Me!
• Download 175K Essays
• Paper Topics
• Paper Editing Service
• Writing Samples
• Essay Writing Tutorials
• Info / FAQ / Guarantee
• Beware of Copycats!
• Listen to our radio ad!
• 1-866-7O7-27З7
• Text (super fast):
• 1-65O-585-OOO5

EssayTown.com © and ™ 2001–2024.  All Rights Reserved.  Terms & Privacy

• TEXT: 1-65O-585-OOO5
• Avoid Copycats!
• Listen to our radio music ad

Login | Register

• Browse Recent Issues (2022-)
• Search Recent Issues (2022-)
• Browse Back Issues (2007-2021)
• Submissions
• Harvard Citation Style
• Vancouver Citation Style
• APA Citation Style
• Download RIS
• Download BibTeX

About the Authors

(2024) “About the Authors”, Music & Politics 18: 7. doi: https://doi.org/10.3998/mp.5976

Downloads: Download XML Download PDF

Published on 06 May 2024

Creative commons attribution-noncommercial-noderivs 4.0.

Mickson Mazuruse is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Languages, Media and Communication Studies at Great Zimbabwe University. He holds a Doctoral Degree in African Languages from the University of South Africa. His research interests are in music, dialects, literature, onomastics, and African culture. His key publications are in harmonization of cross-border varieties, onomastics, and gender reforms in Zimbabwe, among others. He teaches university courses in Literature, Dialects, Onomastics and Culture.

Benjamin Mudzanire is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Languages and Media and Communication Studies at Great Zimbabwe University where he teaches culture, language, and literature. He holds a PhD in African Languages from the University of South Africa. He is extensively published in popular music and social context, pedagogics, and cultural studies. He has presented many papers at local and international conferences and has been a visiting scholar at the University Bayreuth’s Institute of Africa Studies, Germany.

Dorian Mueller received her PhD in Music Theory from the University of Michigan. Her research interests include music and narrative, narrative space, film music, and musical phenomenology and aesthetics. Dorian has presented her work at conferences in both the U.S. and abroad, including at the annual meeting for the Society for Music Theory (SMT), Music and the Moving Image (MaMI), and at the International Conference on Music Theory and Analysis in Belgrade, Serbia. Dorian is currently an editorial assistant for Music Theory Online and is the technical/layout editor for Music & Politics .

John R. Pippen is an Assistant Professor of Music at Colorado State University. His primary research has been an ethnographic study of the new music scene in Chicago. Dr. Pippen has presented his research at regional, national, and international conferences, with writings in New Music Box and Twentieth Century Music .

David Robb is a Reader in Music at Queen’s University Belfast. He researches primarily in the area of German political music and song. His recent publications include Songs for a Revolution. The 1848 Protest Song Tradition in Germany (with Eckhard John, 2020). He is currently undertaking a wider research project on Gerhard Gundermann funded by the AHRC. As a musician and songwriter, he has translated ten songs of Gundermann into English and recorded those for the CD Filling Station for Losers (2024).

Mingyeong Son , a 2022–2023 Fulbright scholar, served as a postdoctoral researcher at Harvard University and is a research professor at the Asian Music Research Institute of Seoul National University (SNU). With a PhD in Musicology from SNU, her dissertation, “Western Composers’ Encounter with Korean Traditional Music: Compositional Aspects and Musical Aesthetics in the Global Era” reflects her research interest in 20th and 21st-century global music, intercultural musical dialogues in Korean modernism, and the reception of East Asian music by Western composers.

Yaprak Melike Uyar is an ethnomusicologist who writes about jazz and popular music of Turkey, as well as Sufi music. She earned her PhD degree in musicology from the Turkish Music State Conservatory. She worked at the same institution as a lecturer for six years, teaching courses on the History of Popular Music, Jazz Appreciation, History of Turkish Popular Music, and Popular Music Studies. From 2021 to 2024, she was an Einstein Junior Fellow at the Transcultural Musicology Department of Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin.

Harvard-Style Citation

(2024) 'About the Authors', Music & Politics . 18(0) doi: 10.3998/mp.5976

Show: Vancouver Citation Style | APA Citation Style

Vancouver-Style Citation

About the Authors. Music & Politics. 2024 5; 18(0) doi: 10.3998/mp.5976

Show: Harvard Citation Style | APA Citation Style

APA-Style Citation

(2024, 5 6). About the Authors. Music & Politics 18(0) doi: 10.3998/mp.5976

Show: Harvard Citation Style | {% trans 'Vancouver Citation Style' %}

Non Specialist Summary

This article has no summary

Guide on How to Write a Music Essay: Topics and Examples

Let's Understand What is Music Essay

You know how some school assignments are fun to write by default, right? When students see them on the course syllabus, they feel less like a burden and more like a guaranteed pleasure. They are about our interests and hobbies and therefore feel innate and intuitive to write. They are easy to navigate, and interesting topic ideas just pop into your head without much trouble.

Music essays belong to the category of fun essay writing. What is music essay? Anything from in-depth analysis to personal thoughts put into words and then to paper can fall into a music essay category. An essay about music can cover a wide range of topics, including music history, theory, social impact, significance, and musical review. It can be an analytical essay about any music genre, musical instruments, or today's music industry.

Don't get us wrong, you will still need to do extensive research to connect your opinions to a broader context, and you can't step out of academic writing standards, but the essay writing process will be fun.

In this article, our custom essay writing service is going to guide you through every step of writing an excellent music essay. You can draw inspiration from the list of music essay topics that our team prepared, and later on, you will learn what an outstanding essay on music is by an example of a music review essay.

What are Some Music Topics to Write About

There are so many exciting music topics to write about. We would have trouble choosing one. You can write about various music genres, be it country music or classical music; you can research music therapy or how music production happens.

Okay, forgive us for getting carried away; music makes us enthusiastic. Below you will find a list of various music essay topics prepared from our thesis writing service . Choose one and write a memorable essay about everyone's favorite art form.

Music Argumentative Essay Topics

Music essays can be written about an infinite number of themes. You can even write about performance or media comparison.

Here is a list of music argumentative essay topics. These edge-cutting topics will challenge your readers and get you an easy A+.

• Exploring the evolution of modern music styles of the 21st century
• Is it ethical to own and play rare musical instruments?
• Is music therapy an effective mental health treatment?
• Exploring the Intersection of Technology and Creativity in electronic music
• The Relevance of traditional music theory in modern music production
• The Role of musical pieces in the Transmission of cultural identity
• The value of historical analysis in understanding the significance of music in society
• How does exposing listeners to different genres of music break down barriers
• Exploring the cognitive effects of music on human brain development
• The therapeutic potential of music in treating mental disorders

Why is Music Important Essay Topics

Do you know which essay thrills our team the most? The importance of music in life essay. We put our minds together and came up with a list of topics about why music is so central to human life. Start writing why is music important essay, and we guarantee you that you will be surprised by how much fun you had crafting it.  

• Popular Music and its Role in shaping cultural trends
• Music as a metaphorical language for expressing emotions and thoughts
• How music changes and influences social and political movements
• How the music of different countries translates their history to outsiders
• The innate connection between music and human beings
• How music helps us understand feelings we have never experienced
• Does music affect our everyday life and the way we think?
• Examining the cross-cultural significance of music in society
• How rock music influenced 70's political ideologies
• How rap music closes gaps between different racial groups in the US

Consider delegating your ' write my essay ' request to our expert writers for crafting a perfect paper on any music topic!

Why I Love Music Essay Topics

We want to know what is music to you, and the best way to tell us is to write a why I love music essay. Below you will find a list of music essay topics that will help you express your love for music.

• I love how certain songs and artists evoke Memories and Emotions
• I love the diversity of music genres and how different styles enrich my love for music
• I love how music connects me with people of different backgrounds
• How the music of Linkin Park helped me through life's toughest challenges
• What does my love for popular music say about me?
• How the unique sounds of string instruments fuel my love for music
• How music provides a temporary Release from the stresses of daily life
• How music motivates me to chase my dreams
• How the raw energy of rock music gets me through my daily life
• Why my favorite song is more than just music to me

Need a Music Essay ASAP?

Our expert team is quick to get you an A+ on all your assignments!

Music Therapy Essay Topics

One of the most interesting topics about music for an essay is music therapy. We are sure you have heard all the stories of how music cures not only mental but also physical pains. Below you can find a list of topics that will help you craft a compelling music therapy essay. And don't forget that you can always rely on our assistance for fulfilling your ' write my paper ' requests!

• The effectiveness of music therapy in reducing stress and pain for cancer patients
• Does pop music have the same effects on music therapy as classical music?
• Exploring the benefits of music therapy with other genres beyond classical music
• The potential of music therapy in aiding substance abuse treatment and recovery
• The Role of music therapy in Addressing PTSD and Trauma in military veterans
• The impact of music therapy on enhancing social interaction and emotional expression in individuals with developmental disabilities
• The use of music therapy in managing chronic pain
• Does musical therapy help depression?
• Does music reduce anxiety levels?
• Is music therapy better than traditional medicine?

History of Music Essay Topics

If you love analytical essays and prefer to see the bigger picture, you can always write a music description essay. Below you can find some of the most interesting topics for the history of music essay.

• The Significance of natural instruments in music production and performance
• Tracing the historical development of Western music theory
• How electronic music traces its roots back to classical music
• How the music industry evolved from sheet music to streaming services
• How modern producers relate to classical composers
• The Origins and Influence of Jazz Music
• How folk music saved the Stories of unnamed heroes
• Do we know what the music of ancient civilizations sounded like?
• Where does your favorite bandstand in the line of music evolve?
• The Influence of African American Music on modern pop culture

Benefits of Music Essay Topics

If you are someone who wonders what are some of the values that music brings to our daily life, you should write the benefits of music essay. The music essay titles below can inspire you to write a captivating essay:

• How music can be used to promote cultural awareness and understanding
• The benefits of music education in promoting creativity and innovation
• The social benefits of participating in music groups
• The Impact of Music on Memory and Learning
• The cognitive benefits of music education in early childhood development
• The effects of music on mood and behavior
• How learning to play an instrument improves cognitive functions.
• How music connects people distanced by thousands of miles
• The benefits of listening to music while exercising
• How music can express the feelings words fail to do so 

Music Analysis Essay Example

Reading other people's papers is a great way to scale yours. There are many music essay examples, but the one crafted by our expert writers stands out in every possible way. You can learn what a great thesis statement looks like, how to write an engaging introduction, and what comprehensive body paragraphs should look like. 

Click on the sample below to see the music analysis essay example. 

How to Write a Music Essay with Steps

Writing music essays is definitely not rocket science, so don't be afraid. It's just like writing any other paper, and a music essay outline looks like any other essay structure.

• Start by choosing a music essay topic. You can use our list above to get inspired. Choose a topic about music that feels more relevant and less researched so you can add brand-new insights. As we discussed, your music essay can be just about anything; it can be a concert report or an analytical paper about the evolution of music.
• Continue by researching the topic. Gather all the relevant materials and information for your essay on music and start taking notes. You can use these notes as building blocks for the paper. Be prepared; even for short essays, you may need to read books and long articles.
• Once you have all the necessary information, the ideas in your head will start to take shape. The next step is to develop a thesis statement out of all the ideas you have in your head. A thesis statement is a must as it informs readers what the entire music essay is about. Don't be afraid to be bold in your statement; new outlooks are always appreciated.
• Next, you'll need a music essay introduction. Here you introduce the readers to the context and background information about the research topic. It should be clear, brief, and engaging. You should set the tone of your essay from the very beginning. Don't forget the introduction is where the thesis statement goes.
• One of the most important parts of essay writing is crafting a central body paragraph about music. This is where you elaborate on your thesis, make main points, and support them with the evidence you gathered beforehand. Remember, your music essay should be well structured and depict a clear picture of your ideas.
• Next, you will need to come up with an ideal closing paragraph. Here you will need to once again revisit the main points in your music essay, restate them in a logical manner and give the readers your final thoughts.
• Don't forget to proofread your college essay. Whether you write a long or short essay on music, there will be grammatical and factual errors. Revise and look through your writing with a critical mind. You may find that some parts need rewriting.

Key Takeaways

Music essays are a pleasure to write and read. There are so many topics and themes to choose from, and if you follow our How to Write a Music Essay guide, you are guaranteed to craft a top-notch essay every time.

Be bold when selecting a subject even when unsure what is research essay topic on music, take the writing process easy, follow the academic standards, and you are good to go. Use our music essay sample to challenge yourself and write a professional paper. 

If you feel stuck and have no time our team of expert writers is always ready to give you help from all subject ( medical school personal statement school help ). Visit our website, submit your ' write my research paper ' request and a guaranteed A+ essay will be on your way in just one click.

Need Help in Writing an Impressive Paper?

Our expert writers are here to write a quality paper that will make you the star of your class!

FAQs on Writing a Music Essay

Though music essay writing is not the hardest job on the planet, there are still some questions that often pop up. Now that you have a writing guide and a list of essay topics about music, it's time to address the remaining inquiries. Keep reading to find the answers to the frequently asked questions. 

Should Artists' Music be Used in Advertising?

What type of music is best for writing an essay, why do people love music, related articles.

What your favorite music says about you — and your politics

The data has spoken: Americans really love classic rock.

The Aerosmith-i-verse draws its strongest support from Republicans and older Americans, almost a third of whom peg it as their favorite, according to the 1,000 representative U.S. adults polled last year by our friends at YouGov . Democrats are half as likely to pick classic rock as their favorite, but its dominance is so complete that even at 15 percent, it still beats all other types of music on the left.

The guitar-god genre’s weirdly widespread appeal has, of course, been the point since its birth as a 1980s radio format. It’s less a style of music than it is a loose confederation of hoary hits those of us in the less-than-hip, middle-aged masses maybe wouldn’t mind hearing on the radio for the 817th time.

Because radio stations relentlessly appropriated fresh waves of chart-toppers as they aged, classic rock defies definition. One source says it began with “Sgt. Pepper” by the Beatles in 1967 and ended with “Fragile” by Nine Inch Nails in 1999. Once the mark of a leather-jacketed renegade, it has become the anodyne soundtrack of modern life. The Rolling Stones have evolved from infamy at Altamont to ubiquity at fast-casual restaurants, from “Gimme Shelter” to gimme seltzer.

It’s not just polls: Most ( 15 of the 25 ) top-selling artists in U.S. history would get substantial play on classic rock stations, by our count.

Only a handful of us are able to resist the call of the Eagles. Black Americans rated R&B tops. Hispanic Americans preferred Latin music. Millennials picked pop. Zoomers went with rap.

Americans also say classic rock best reflects their lives. But when YouGov asked what best represents the nation today, about 37 percent of those polled said rap and 36 percent said country. (That’s essentially a tie. The margin of error for this poll is 3.3 percentage points — more if you’re looking within small groups. While we’re here in the fine print, we’ll also note that apart from the question about your favorite genre, YouGov usually allowed folks to pick more than one answer.)

Country drew its highest support from retirement-age Americans — 50 percent of those over 65 said it was the most representative, more than double the rating it got from Zoomers or Black Americans. Rap pulled its strongest support from Black Americans, high earners, Millennials and Democrats.

Of course, like attachment parenting and dashboard infotainment systems, hip-hop is a recent invention that suddenly became inescapable. If you ask instead what genre most represents classic Americana, almost every demographic agrees on country. The exceptions are Black Americans, who stick with hip-hop, and young Americans, who pick pop. Midwesterners, for some reason, lean toward classic rock.

Rap and country also vie for biggest cultural impact, with country eking out a 36 to 35 percent lead. The virtual tie causes an illuminating split nationwide, with older, Whiter and more Republican folks leaning toward country, and younger, more left-leaning, and Black and Hispanic Americans picking hip-hop.

Indie and alternative rockers will be crushed to hear their chosen genres — which essentially are defined as music most people haven’t heard of — wasn’t the most obscure in the poll. In the sweepstakes of which musical style inspired people to say they were “not sure” how they felt about it, indie came in third. Most demographics rated world music as the most obscure, while new age got obscurity points from Black and Hispanic people, as well as Zoomers.

But we’re not limited simply to superlatives here. Because this is YouGov — a top five political pollster, according to 538 — we also have approval ratings!

Again, classic rock easily wins the best approval rating. As in politics, we’re looking at how many people love or like it, and then subtracting how many people dislike or hate it to get a net approval rating. Pop, R&B, blues and country also do well by this metric. Many genres do, to be honest. Americans just plain like music!

Unless it’s punk rock.

Punk’s the only musical style to pull a negative approval rating. Which, honestly, probably sounds like a badge of honor to the folks who brought you such punk classics as “Killing for Jesus,” “Armed and Stupid” and “Stealing Peoples’ Mail.”

Punk’s biggest fans are, by far, millennials. They give it double the approval rating of the next highest group, the Zoomers. Beyond the top two, the outsiders who brought you “Let’s Lynch the Landlord” will be horrified to learn that they get their third-highest rating from the highest earners, families who make what used to be called a six-figure income.

But really, punk only comes out on top overall because anti-mohawk sentiment crosses party lines. Republicans actually save their worst ratings for rap, while Democrats tend to more-than-dislike Christian music.

Hip-hop, while polarizing, enjoys immense support among Zoomers and Millennials, as well as their Black and Hispanic compatriots. In particular, more than half of Black Americans say they “love” the genre, one of the strongest love ratings in the entire survey. Other top relationships include Black Americans and R&B and soul/funk, and Gen X and Midwesterners and classic rock.

Punk’s the worst-rated genre in the South. In the Midwest, that honor goes to Latin music, presumably because the region has the nation’s smallest Hispanic population by a wide margin. In the Northeast and West, the two least rural regions by population, the worst-rated genre is contemporary Christian.

Contemporary Christian draws its strongest favorability from Black Americans, Republicans and Southerners. That first group may not be surprising — Black Americans rank among the most likely to dish out positive ratings, no matter the genre. Republicans tend to be stingier. In fact, Christian music is one of the only genres that’s more approved by Republicans than by Democrats. (The others are country, classic rock and gospel/choir.)

We know from reading thousands of your comments and emails over the past few years that this will raise a simple question among our bipartisan readership: Do Republicans hate music?

When you take the typical net rating across genres, Republicans offer the second-lowest rating of any group. The demographic offering the absolute lowest median rating are folks age 65 and older. Older Americans lean Republican, and they dished out the single most negative net ratings in the entire survey to punk rock and rap, which they clearly dislike in droves.

In fact, older folks give the thumbs down with impunity to all kinds of genres. Dance and electronic, new age, alternative/indie, world music, Latin music, reggae, and even pop and R&B see their ratings plunge among Gen X and boomers. On the other end of the spectrum, blues and classic rock seem to grow more popular with age, as Pete Townshend’s “I hope I die before I get old” generation weighs the benefits of Medicare Advantage.

What else might be going on here? It’s worth noting that many of the genres with the biggest partisan approval gap stem from America’s deep tradition of Black music. The YouGov poll lumps together two of Republicans’ favorite genres, country and western , but separates the surfeit of styles that emerged from African American culture.

Black musicians shaped many of our most influential sounds, from blues and jazz to soul, funk and, of course, R&B and rap — which were once classified by Billboard as “Race Records” and later “Black Singles.” (We’ll also count reggae here — it grew from similar roots in Jamaica — but not gospel/choir, since YouGov’s inclusion of choir opened the genre up beyond gospel’s roots in Black churches. We also consider classic rock to be distinct from rock-and-roll’s Black roots .)

Take out those genres, and Republicans don’t look so negative. Go further and remove Latin and world music, and the gap almost vanishes. In other words, if you don’t count music with the clearest origins outside White American culture, Democrats and Republicans disapprove of music at similar rates.

So the apparent negativity of Republicans could reflect YouGov’s choices about which categories of music to include in the poll. Or it could show something inherent in the right’s attitude toward music. Or, more likely, it’s both.

Hello! The Department of Data continues its quest for queries. What are you curious about: What state has the strongest family ties? Who spends the most money on lottery tickets? What are America’s most-polluted rivers? How many people now earn six figures? Just ask!

If your question inspires a column, we’ll send you an official Department of Data button and ID card. This week’s buttons go to Rick Amado in Amsterdam, who asked us to compare folks’ music playlists and their politics, and to Stephanie Killian in Kennesaw, Ga., who asked how many folks cling to the music of their youth instead of embracing more modern tunes.

Sign Up Now

Get instant access to over 1 million+ study documents

Already registered? click here to login

By creating your account, you agree to our terms of service , privacy policy and student honor code .

• Homework Help
• Essay Examples
• Citation Generator
• Writing Guides
• Essay Title Generator
• Essay Topic Generator
• Essay Outline Generator
• Flashcard Generator
• Plagiarism Checker
• Paraphrasing Tool
• Conclusion Generator
• Thesis Statement Generator
• Introduction Generator
• Literature Review Generator
• Hypothesis Generator
• Editing Service
• Connection Between Music and Politics Essay

Connection Between Music And Politics Essay

In the tango, as in their personal lives and their politics, they tend to dwell on real or imagined affronts. In response, they attempt to seek out and affirm self-definition. They resort to elaborately staged behavior as a way of confronting the result of their search -- a self-definition whose very essence is doubt. The tango pro-claims this doubt and reveals the intensity and depth of Argentine feelings of in-security, but it also insists that an aggressive facade should betray no hint that it could have arisen from an anguished sense of vulnerability. (Taylor, Tango, 1982) Tango music and dance is an expression of experience and freedom, yet within its execution there is a contradictory restraint that refers to the tension of expression of the politics of Argentina. Latin America has been a prominent figure in the political system of American for many decades. For most of the 21st century, Argentina has been engaged in a war over the privatization of water all over the country, but particularly in poor, rural areas of the Andes Mountains. Tango is an expression of the tension of the people who desire to have more control over their lands and better representation in their government, yet expresses the desire for unification as a people and a culture. Tango music expresses a form of cultural longing and angst and is itself a symbol of political strife and contemplation: Tango fans in particular pass time constructing complex personal philosophies of life, suffering, and love-philosophies that surprise outsiders who do not expect such elaborate abstractions as common themes of popular culture. (Taylor, Tango, 1982) As aforementioned, tango music is a reflection and expression of changes in political conditions and climate in Argentina beginning toward the later 19th century, persisting in the 20th, and continuing to flourish in the 21st. Again, the Argentines who originated this dance were on the outskirts of society living outside of the mainstream culture. There was resistance by the upper classes and the mainstream to the tango music, dance, and culture in the early stages. Yet over time as many people around the world well know, tango is synonymous or iconic of Argentina: Although tango originated among the low working-class sectors of Argentina's Rio de la Plata region in the 1880s, it was only after it achieved fame in the world's cultural capitals in the 20th century that it became popular throughout Argentina. Moreover, this reintroduction of tango also brought with it new ideas about the social and moral meanings of dancing… (Reed, The Politics and Poetics of Dance, 1998) Tango began on the outside of the mainstream as an expression of political unrest and dissatisfaction, then grew to become a symbol of the country in the world's imagination. When people think of Argentina, the tango is one of the first cultural artifacts that come to mind, generally. The transformation of the gaucho and the tango into Argentine icons belongs to a broader transatlantic history of national identity "reformation" in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries…Thus, while the gaucho and the tango would themselves come to be seen as consummately Argentine, the historical processes that propelled them together to the center of national self-definition around 1900 were not specific to Argentina. As Thomas C. Holt observes, "the social and economic transformations of the world capitalist system at the dawn of the twentieth century formed a common template for reimagining the nation on both sides of the Atlantic." (Bockelman, Between the Gaucho and the Tango, 2011) Readers can infer from the statement above that the times produce the cultural forms and the times transform those forms into parts of a country's national identity. These same processes of cultural expression and movement into the mainstream can additionally be said for music forms such as hip hop. It too is a type of music and culture that originated from a marginalize group in a highly urbanized area to express political and social struggle and stifling. It was a form that was once detested and ridiculed by mainstream culture and now it is a worldwide influence & cultural phenomena. There are variations on the dance style of the tango. Some of the variations include Salon tango, Tango orillero, and Tango canyengue. Despite the variations of the tango, there are some moves, formations, and sequences that are fundamental to all forms of the tango. Tango is a dance of the embrace. Many of the dance moves include that the tango partners hold each other very closely with varying degrees of tightness. Different cultures…

Sources Used in Documents:

References: Bockelman, B. (2011) Between the Gaucho and the Tango: Popular Songs and the Shifting Landscape of Modern Argentine Identity, 1895 -- 1915. The American Historical Review, 116(3), 577 -- 601. Luker, M.J. (2007) Tango Renovacion: On the Uses of Music History in Post-Crisis Argentina. Latin American Music Review/Revista de Musica Latinoamericana, 28(1), 68 -- 93. Neustadt, R. Music as Memory and Torture: Sounds of Repression and Protest in Chile and Argentina. Chasqui, 33(1), 128 -- 137. Reed, S.A. (1998) The Politics and Poetics of Dance. Annual Review of Anthropology, 27, 503 -- 532.

Cite this Document:

"Connection Between Music And Politics" (2012, June 08) Retrieved May 9, 2024, from https://www.paperdue.com/essay/connection-between-music-and-politics-110968

"Connection Between Music And Politics" 08 June 2012. Web.9 May. 2024. < https://www.paperdue.com/essay/connection-between-music-and-politics-110968 >

"Connection Between Music And Politics", 08 June 2012, Accessed.9 May. 2024, https://www.paperdue.com/essay/connection-between-music-and-politics-110968

Related Documents

Music and politics -- the.

In his book Lynskey notes that during George W. Bush's administration, when Bush made anti-war people angry by invading Iraq, Neil Young sand "Let's Impeach the President." Earlier in his career Neil Young responded to the killing of four students (by the National Guard) in Kent State in 1970 by writing the protest song, "Ohio," which was performed by Crosby, Stills, Nash and Young. Lynskey called it a "masterpiece" or

Music Inspired by the Playing for Change

Music Inspired by the Playing for Change movement, and especially the recording of the classic "Stand By Me," my group decided to focus on fusing Native American sounds with contemporary music. The motivation is clear: to keep indigenous themes relevant and respond continually to the social and political inspirations for creative expression. Using this approach to our music allowed us to transcend the concept of genre, which can be too limiting,

Music and Mind

Music and the Universe Music is one characteristic everything in existence possesses. For anything to be existing, it has to possess an amount of energy and these always undergo vibration. From these vibrations, sound waves are generated and these combine to form what we call music. Nothing better defines the phrase "Universal Language" than music. Every human being relates to it. Sound waves move and come in contact with just about

Drugs, Rock Music and Developing Countries Examining

Drugs, Rock Music and Developing Countries Examining the effects of imported rock music on developing countries and its impact on violence and drug abuse is by no means a simple or straightforward task. One important factor is that this type of music overwhelmingly appeals to young people under age 30, and these are often the majority of the population in many developing nations, especially the Middle East and North Africa. To

Music & Skimmington Riots an

In this regard, when wage levels fell in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, the standard of living for laborers and cottagers in England declined precipitously and they were compelled to use the majority of their cash, garden crops, and milk just to buy bread and clothing (Kulikoff 2000:19). Not surprisingly, many of these workers found it almost impossible in some cases to even survive, even with the

Politics Literature and Arts

jazz and the culture industry? Is Adorno simply an elitist or is there something useful you can appropriate from his argument? What connections can you draw from Benjamin and the "Andalusia Dog?" Theodor Adorno was clearly inspired by Walter Benjamin, from whom he founded his philosophy of modern art, versus fine or popular art. Adorno constructed a theory of the modern art movement, as embodied in such early surrealist films

• Free Essays
• Citation Generator

Music and Politics Essay Example

You May Also Find These Documents Helpful

Jhene Aiko, a new R&B artist signed to No I.D.’s Atrium Records (a Def Jam Records affiliate), hails from the entertainment capital of Los Angeles, California. At the very young age of 13, she was signed to T.U.G./Epic Records. The entertainment industry pressures proved to be very overwhelming for the young artist who later left the label to focus on school and being…

Before the 600s, trade routes in Africa weren’t used nearly as much as they are today…

Woody Guthrie: The Influence Of Pop Culture

In every era of American history, the population looks towards leaders of the free world and their politicians for much of the guidance and answers that they seek. But often times the lesser influences of “pop culture icons” are often overlooked. When the general masses idolized a single event, trend, or person so much, the latter can have an impact on social trends with enduring and meaningful significance. Often times a prominent musician, for example, has the power to sway the masses, and create social movements that encourage positive (or even sometimes negative) change that encompass a surrounding society. Through his Americana lyrics, and strong embrace of the American dream and spirit, Woody Guthrie has achieved a cultural and iconic status in the American landscape.…

Music in Civil Rights Essay Example

During the Civil Rights movement of the mid-twentieth century, music was used to spread word of equality and respect in America. Jazz, rock & roll, blues, gospel & reggae music were among the prominent genres of music during this time. With music, African-American artists like Little Richard, Aretha Franklin, and Bob Marley wanted to present positive and uplifting messages to the country that was full of hatred for other people. African Americans also wanted to raise self-confidence of those who were affected by these acts of hate and violence.…

Choice Music Argumentative Essay

Over the past few years, Omaha native Nate Maloley (a.k.a. Skate) has become a force to be reckoned with. With a huge following on social media, Skate is one of the most prominent up-and-coming rappers/hip-hop artists in the music industry. Recently, at the 2015 Teen Choice Awards, he received a nomination for "Choice Music: Next Big Thing," and earlier this week, he released his first full-length album titled Maloski. Without a doubt, I have to admit that I am quite impressed.…

Should 18-Year Olds Be Allowed To Vote?

During this time of year when the age limit changed in Takoma Park, the city clerk, Jessie Carpenter, estimated “that about 90 16- and 17-year-olds have registered to vote.” Although this may seem as if it isn’t a huge number, no one would expect this number of teenagers to be interested in voting. This would lead to being a step closer to getting the number of teenagers to increase in order to outnumber their older peers. Some argue that “ever since the 26th Amendment gave 18-year-olds the right to vote more than 40 years go, younger voters have been something of a bust.” Many believe that even having 18-year-olds vote has a negative side to it, but in order for the voting community to expand it is needed to find motivation and ways to help…

Harrison Bergeron

My target audience would range from 16-25. Young people these days engage in politics in a variety of ways. They engage by debating and sharing insights and opinions on various issues whether it’s discussions with friends or postings on blogs; They engage by signing petitions; They attend rallies and protests on issues we regard as important; They volunteer there time and energy to organizations.They are media savvy, questioning what is often presented(I know I have grandchildren) and they stay pretty well informed! I suspect that although most youth enroll and vote in local, state and federal elections, They find there participation in the less formal settings more meaningful and effective. That’s probably because They are sceptical about the intentions of our leaders and the impact that our vote will make. Nevertheless, I think that for the most part, young people are very much engaged in different ways.Young people will be able to understand the core reading easier than people of older generations due to the fact that young people are more open to the idea of individualism.As older generations are use routine.I feel that I can understand my audience because I have always been a person that likes to stand up for myself and I am all about self expression and equality.…

First Amendment and Music Censorship Essay Example

The First Amendment to the Bill of Rights exists because the Founders of our country understood the importance of free expression. The First Amendment states "Congress shall make no law . . . abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press . . ." (Commission on the Bicentennial of the United States Constitution 17). One of the ways the American people use this freedom of speech and expression is through the creation of the art form known as music. Music's verbal expression bonds our society through our emotions and experiences. This fundamental right of freedom of expression is being threatened by public and governmental groups who believe they have authority to monitor and decide what others should experience. The censorship of music lyrics is a violation of our First Amendment right, and public groups should not be allowed to bypass this right to censor obscene lyrics produced in the music industry.…

Rock And Roll Essay

Black artists indeed were “robbed” black of their music, credit for their contributions made, and their just due. The main problem was shown through their recordings made by other artists who ended up profiting tremendously. All in all, African Americans contribute a huge influence on rock and roll. One of the greatest contributions that came from the African Americans had to be the blues. It doesn't matter what instrument, from basses to percussions, this music took America by storm. During the 1920s while blue recordings were being made, the “Boogie-woogie”, a piano style of blues formed.…

Pop Songs Essay

Several radio stations nowadays feature pop songs because they are somehow catchy and popular, hence the name of the genre. Making a new pop hit on the radio is very difficult because there are so many creative aspects in a typical pop song. In addition to that, all pop songs are different with very unique components to them.…

Civic Engagement

Change is inevitable and the popular one hit wonder, Video Killed the Radio Star, echoes a nostalgic desire to appreciate the past. The simple, yet meaningful verse, “we can’t rewind we’ve gone too far,” drives home the notion that the past is in the past, and one can only move forward. The song directly relates to technological changes in music at that time period. The lyrics give the impression radio will be replaced by visually stimulating music videos; however, the future has proved that radio has not been replaced; music has merely been enhanced by the continuous change of technological advancements. Political scientist and professor, Robert Putnam illustrates in his book, Bowling Alone: America’s Declining Social Capital, how one of the primary culprits in the decline of political awareness and civic engagement is the new media, for example, the Internet. Further studies suggest this is not necessarily the case. Video Killed the Radio Star mirrors the relentless argument of whether the mass media has hindered or assisted in political awareness and civic activity in adolescents and young adults. The radio made people famous, and even after music videos became popular, music was still streamed through a radio and continues to be used to this day. Studies have shown that civic engagement and political awareness has declined, at all age levels, and yet there is evidence that the mass media can have a positive effect on cultivating social capital, especially in the interest of young voters in America.…

Music Education In Middle School Essay

Every one has been exposed to music either while listening to the radio, attending a concert, or hearing a catchy commercial jingle. This is due to the pure fact music is all around us. Music is in our cars, televisions, and sometimes stuck in our heads. Music education should be a required class through the first year of Middle School because it establishes discipline, creates confidence in ones self, and it helps improve grades in school.…

The Importance Of Voting In Canada

Jane Goodall once stated, along these lines, that each person makes a difference but it’s up to that person what type of difference they want to make. Young people these days are put into the category that they cannot make a difference, they are belittled and made out to be careless. In turn these young people start to believe that they can’t make a difference therefore they don’t bother trying. This affect is seen in youth in their involvement in politics, the voting rate in Canada for youth voters has been declining for years according to Elections Canada , young adults therefore don’t appear all that interested in politics.…

Music Education In Schools Essay

Music education is a part of making a human more intelligent. According to Turben.com, “At the state level, only 23 states have enacted graduation requirements that in some way involve music and the other arts”. It is something all kids in the US should have access to. Sadly, many schools do not provide music education.…

Rock and Roll Culture

Bielby, W. T. (2004). Rock in a Hard Place: Grassroots Cultural Production in the Post…

Politics and Hip-Hop

Music is an art form and source of power. Many forms of music reflect culture and society, as well as, containing political content and social message. Music as social change has been highlighted throughout the 20th century. In the 1960s the United States saw political and socially oriented folk music discussing the Vietnam War and other social issues. In Jamaica during the 1970s and 1980s reggae developed out of the Ghetto’s of Trench town and expressed the social unrest of the poor and the need to over-through the oppressors. The 1980’s brought the newest development in social and political music , the emergence of hip-hop and rap. This urban musical art form that was developed in New York City has now taken over the mainstream, but …show more content…

Indeed, McDonald's, Coca Cola, Sprite, Nike, and other corporate giants have capitalized on this phenomenon. Although critics of rap music and the hip hop culture seemed to be fixated on the messages of sex, violence, and harsh language, this genre offers us a paradigm of what can be. The potential of this art form to mend ethnic relations is substantial. There are many political messages in every part of our live, but Hip-Hop has transcended ethnic boundaries. Because of its eclectic audience, it has the greatest opportunity to build ethnic bridges and mend ethnic relations. Hip hop has taken hold and permeated significant regions of the world. The clothing, music, mannerisms, and lexicon, are unmistakably the same in New York, Los Angeles, Paris, Zurich, Milan, and Tokyo. Indeed, this culture has the potential to make it cool not to commit hate crimes, not to discriminate or be homophobic or misogynistic, and to have political influence in American

The Commercialization Of Hip Hop

Since its conception, hip hop has been a very necessary and influential art form in the way that it gives a voice to people who would normally not have one. The fact that it was often the sole voice for a marginalized community meant that the genre has often shouldered the “burden of being a genuine political force.” Hip hop’s role in addressing the concerns of urban Black Americans has led people to refer to it as “CNN for Black people.” However, in recent times, the commercialization of the genre (and growing popularity with white audiences) has generated a lot of criticism from many who feel that the essence of hip hop is being destroyed and it does not have as much of a meaningful effect on dispossessed Black youth as it used to have.

Hip Hop Wars By Tricia Rose

One of the more prominent criticisms of hip that Rose points out is that there is a large amount of misplaced blame in the world of hip hop. She writes, “increasingly, too many of hip hop’s supporters point to structural racism to explain the origins of the problem but refuse to link these structural forces to individual action and to the power of media seduction” (p. 73). In this section of the second chapter, Rose is explaining that those who defend commercial hip hop are taking a more-or-less one-dimensional approach to their arguments by solely blaming structural racism and overlooking the

African American Music Research Paper

Even though, hip-hop is viewed as primarily of promoting negative message, however, it has reveled the pain behind the lyrics. “Hip hop music, had for over three and half decades, delivered a resounding message of freedom of expression, unity, peace, and protest against social injustices”. (Anderson & Jackson) As hip-hop continues to grow it has continued to remain a strong influential social impact. Hip-hop created a way for many individuals to express themselves on controversial issues seen throughout society.

Comparative Essay

The misunderstood subculture of music that many have come to know as “hip-hop” is given a critical examination by James McBride in his essay Hip-Hop Planet. McBride provides the reader with direct insight into the influence that hip-hop music has played in his life, as well as the lives of the American society. From the capitalist freedom that hip-hop music embodies to the disjointed families that plague this country, McBride explains that hip-hop music has a place for everyone. The implications that he presents in this essay about hip-hop music suggest that this movement symbolizes and encapsulates the struggle of various individual on

Analysis Of The Poem ' Hip Hop Planet ' By James Mcbride

American Writer James McBride, who wrote the essay "Hip Hop Planet", spent most of his life disliking the culture of hip hop, but after some research and personal experience, he had a change of heart. The purpose of his essay is to shine a positive light on hip hop culture and move his audience-- people who think it is all bad-- to have a change of heart like him, and to achieve his purpose, he uses rhetorical strategies including appeals, specific diction, and meticulous sentence structure.

Essay on Hip-hop, Reggae, and Politics

• 17 Works Cited

Music is an art form and source of power. Many forms of music reflect culture and society, as well as, containing political content and social message. Music as social change has been highlighted throughout the 20th century. In the 1960s the United States saw political and socially oriented folk music discussing the Vietnam War and other social issues. In Jamaica during the 1970s and 1980s reggae developed out of the Ghetto’s of Trench town and expressed the social unrest of the poor and the need to over-through the oppressors. The 1980’s brought the newest development in social and political music, the emergence of hip-hop and rap. This urban musical art form that was developed in New

Thesis paper on rap music.

Rap music has become one of the most distinctive and controversial music genres of the past few decades. A major part of hip hop culture, rap, discusses the experiences and standards of living of people in different situations ranging from racial stereotyping to struggle for survival in poor, violent conditions. Rap music is a vocal protest for the people oppressed by these things. Most people know that rap is not only music to dance and party to, but a significant form of expression. It is a source of information that describes the rage of people facing growing oppression, declining opportunities for advancement, changing moods on the streets, and everyday survival. Its distinct sound, images, and attitude are notorious to people of all

Rhetorical Analysis Of Hip Hop Music

In this article, the speaker must be an expert in politics, ethnicity and the music industry. There is a linkage between the above fields hence the speaker must have had a superlative background on these issues. The audience targeted by this literature were seemingly music enthusiasts to be educated on understanding what Hip-Hop entails and hoped to achieve this as it was established. The subject was Hip-Hop as a music genre that was largely developed by African American men to express their plight on injustice and oppression. The principal issue was how Hip-Hop has been used as a form of resistance and need for deliverance of the African Americans.

The Hip Hop Culture Essay

• 10 Works Cited

The music videos that show a disturbing mix of rap and hip hop dance styles and profane language leaves us many people wondering if hip hop is harming our generation. Some things that said through hip hop and rap are a young person’s desire. The hip hop culture is an instant route to take to live the considered “good life” to our young generation. Many of us

Cultural Influence of Hip Hop & Rap Essays

Hip hop and rap as a musical genre is a very controversial subject for nearly everyone. Its influences are powerful, both positive and negative. There are many positive influences of hip hop, and a few examples are the breaking down of cultural barriers, the economic impact, and political awareness of pressing and urgent issues. Though there are many positive influences, there are many negative influences as well. Some of the more heated debates of the negative influences of hip hop are that it glorifies violence, and the fact that the music sexualizes women and degrades them as well. Attached to the negative outlook on hip hop, there are also many stereotypes assumed by society towards this type of culture

Sociological Analysis Of Hip Hop And Rap Music

Hip-Hop is an extensive and a broad conglomerate of various artistic forms that ultimately originated in the South Bronx and then quickly spread throughout the rest of New York City among African-Americans and other African-American youth mainly from the Caribbean and from Jamaica during the 1970’s. Over the course of decades and recent years, controversy surrounding Hip-Hop and rap music has been the vanguard of the media. From the over hype of the East and West Coast rivalry to the deaths of Tupac, Biggie, and even Michael Brown and Trayvon Martin, it seems that political and broadcasting groups have been injudicious to place essentially the blame on rap and Hip-Hop music for a superficial trend in youth violence.

Hip Hop Culture Essay

Hip Hop culture has come from a inner city expression of life to a multi-billion dollar business. At the beginning of the new millennium it was the top selling genre in the pop charts. It had influences not only on music, but on fashion, film, television, and print. In 2004 Hip Hop celebrated its 30th year anniversary. It wasn’t big for the fact that it was still kicking. It was big because the once Black/Brown inner city culture had grown into a multi-billion dollar global phenomenon (Reeves). Hip Hop culture has provided a platform for all walks of life to speak their mind. Over the past 36 years it has provided us with both entertainment and controversy alike and had a huge impact on our nation’s history. `

Argumentative Essay On Rap Music

Rap music, also known as hip-hop, is a popular art form. Having risen from humble origins on the streets of New York City during the mid-1970s, hip-hop has since become a multifaceted cultural force. Indeed, observers say, hip-hop is more than just music. The culture that has blossomed around rap music in recent decades has influenced fashion, dance, television, film and—perhaps what has become the most controversially—the attitudes of American youth. For many rappers and rap fans during it’s early time, hip-hop provided an accurate, honest depiction of city life that had been considered conspicuously absent from other media sources, such as television. With a growing number of rap artists within this period, using hip-hop as a platform to call for social progress and impart positive messages to listeners, the genre entered a so-called Golden Age

Hip Hop In South Bronx

• 9 Works Cited

Hip-Hop is a cultural movement that emerged from the dilapidated South Bronx, New York in the early 1970’s. The area’s mostly African American and Puerto Rican residents originated this uniquely American musical genre and culture that over the past four decades has developed into a global sensation impacting the formation of youth culture around the world. The South Bronx was a whirlpool of political, social, and economic upheaval in the years leading up to the inception of Hip-Hop. The early part of the 1970’s found many African American and Hispanic communities desperately seeking relief from the poverty, drug, and crime epidemics engulfing the gang dominated neighborhoods. Hip-Hop proved to be successful as both a creative outlet for

Subculture of Hip Hop: a Sociological Analysis Essay

Hip Hop music became one of the primary constructive outlets for Black Americans to release their thoughts, pain, and anguish about the injustices and mistreatments of Black people. Even though most of the pioneers in Hip-Hop either were not born in America or are 2nd generation immigrants that proves that common oppression can lead to unity. The fact that that these individuals were impoverished and felt marginalized is what brought them together and lead to the culture today. Deep rooted racism in the United States kept the genre of music suppressed for a while before it was allowed to even be played on the airwaves. Now, in 2011, the main consumers of byproducts of hip hop are White Americans.

Related Topics

Politics: Music And Politics

Show More Music and politics are two subjects that have long been intertwined since before the birth of our nation. The freedom of self expression, and the ability to have an expressive outlet to allow many to deal with frustration at any events happening around them is an important part of our democracy and the spreading of various messages across a range of platforms. Our heritage of music starts out with simple tunes such as “Yankee Doodle” and “John Brown’s Body”. These simple melodies set to repetitive and catchy lyrics burned through the American public at the time around the Revolutionary War. Catching most of their popularity by word of mouth, the lyrics of these songs were also printed on newspapers and sold in big cities as a form of protesting

Related Documents

Spamalot musical theatre analysis.

There is a line in the musical Spamalot where Sir Robin sings to King Arthur; “In any great adventure, if you don 't want to lose ... you won 't succeed on Broadway if you don 't have any Jews!" (PBS, Broadway Musicals). If you can look past the sweeping generalization, Sir Robin’s surprising lyric turns out to be very true about musicals. Historians have recognized that Jewish immigrant culture heavily influenced the content of musical theatre when it was popularized in America during the early twentieth century. But in turn, it was the sociopolitical and racial climate of the 20th century that inspired the creative and thematic content of Jewish productions as well.…

Craig Werner's Come: A Summary

Craig Werner’s A Change is Gonna Come: Music, Race, and the Soul of America, serves as an overview of the post-war history of recorded music by and influenced by African Americans. In addition to a historical analysis of post-war African American music, Werner focuses on how music both effects and is effected by society and provides a running dialogue between artists and eras. Music’s significance transcends its commercial and aesthetic value and does not simply serve as a soundtrack to a generation or a point in time. Additionally, music weaves itself into the fabric of history and when viewed in isolation loses its context and importance in understanding how it and the surrounding world changed over time. With that in mind, Werner sets out to place popular and vernacular artists in the “African American idiom” as a vital mirror to the human and American experience and in possession of the capacity to effect change.…

J. Cole's Song, Be Free

Music has been used as a way to release yourself. To not have to worry about anything. Many artist use vulgar language to communicate their thoughts as a message to their audience. It gives their music a certain sense of uniqueness. The audience enjoys it because the artist is telling a story of themselves.…

Marc Hogan Campaign

Hogan’s article reminded me of how important it is to stand up for what you believe in, and how even if you might be the “little guy,” you should not just be stepped all over. Music has always been a large part of political campaigns, creating excitement and a sense of unity between those in attendance. I understand how and why politicians use certain songs to convey certain messages, I just wonder why they haven’t “learned their lesson,” per se. All it takes to resolve this issue is to simply ask for permission from the artist and accept whatever their answer may…

How Did Music Affect The Civil War

Music can have severe implications on life, especially during times of war, and the Civil War era is no exception. Anterior to Fort Sumter in South Carolina, enslaved African Americans were singing songs in the fields about freedom and living without the bonds of slavery. Abolitionists and slavery supporters alike produced and sang songs to bring indecisive members of the public to their side. Indeed, there were many quabbles over slavery, and ever since the Three-Fifths Compromise of 1787, music had been affecting the way many people thought and voiced their opinions on slavery. Music is evident in every aspect of life- including war; therefore, music contributed a major factor to the American Civil War- in psychological influence, battle, and public life.…

Power Of Music In The 1850's

It was during this time that music began to have influential power aimed at political decisions and views and the ability to unify people. To begin, during 1864, Lincoln's campaign was helped by a particular song called, “Lincoln and liberty,”…

Woodstock's Influence On American Culture

Between 1969 and 1999 there were cultural changes in the country´s diversity and attitude and tastes in music. At Woodstock in 1969, the music performed created an atmosphere of what Woodstock is most remembered for; “three days of peace, love & music” (Ostroff). When listening to the acts performed for the 500,000 Americans in attendance, its no wonder the reputation stuck. Richie Havens’ version of the famed Beatles hit Here Comes the Sun brings the sense of unity and glimmer of hope that everyone there needed to hear, and varying song of the same gene added to the level of comfort sought by many. Others were there in a peaceful protest to the world events of the Vietnam War, especially through The Viet Nam Song performed by Joe McDonald.…

Persuasive Essay Strange Fruit

Discovering the Music of Protest There is perhaps no epidemic in America worse then the racism and discrimination black people have face since the creation of this “free” nation. A shameful secret that the American government still barely acknowledged but a very real problem that has only grown with time with police murdering innocent black men, women and children, and the more recent event of having a raging racist elected as the USA’s new president. That is why I have decided to write my essay on “Strange Fruit” by Abel Meeropol performed most famously by Billie Holiday. “Strange Fruit” is perhaps the most iconic protest song in recent memory. With a haunting piano intro followed by Billie Holiday’s shaking voice this song shot to fame being nominated for a bevy of awards, and for good reason, it lingers in your mind the lyrics and it pulls no punches, telling the story of those who died these painful deaths without the rose coloured glasses historians like describe it as.…

Lydia Goehr Music And Politics Analysis

Lydia Goehr breaks down the question of how music is tied to politics, and specifically addresses arguments of whether it should be or not. The author starts her discussion with a historical example with the inquest of composer Hanns Eisler by the Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC). The author’s intention in presenting this case appears when she focuses on the defense Eisler. He made statements to the Committee that suggested his music was “music, and nothing else,” having nothing to do with politics. This was in sharp contrast to his previous works which had several political messages and had regarded music as “inseparable from politics.”…

Aretha Franklin's Music Analysis

The 1960s was a tumultuous decade for the United States. Along with the escalation of the Vietnam War, this decade was rocked by the Civil Rights movement and the second wave of the Feminist movements, creating an immense amount of social tension. As a result, people turned to politically-charged music, predominantly Rock n’ Roll, to release their frustrations. However, an equally important musical genre, Soul, was left in the background. Despite the fact that Soul music was not as popular in the United States, artists such as Aretha Franklin released many politically-charged songs that advocated for social justice.…

I Am Australian Poem Analysis

INTRODUCTION The world’s many dystopian debacles including, poverty, war and capitalism are commonly disputed though the effective manipulation of protest songs. Cambridge Dictionary defines protest song as a song that expresses disapproval, typically regarding politics. Song-writers have manipulated stylised literacy conventions since the 1960s to empower mass populations, return voice to those who have been marginalised, influence people’s cultural perspectives and widen social ideologies. The songs “White Fella Black Fella” (1985) by Warumpi Band and “I Am Austrlian” (1987) by The Seekers both contain the literacy techniques of: meaning, imagery, language, tone, and style which have been effectively mastered to clearly convey their parallel protest messages.…

All Shook Up Analysis

“All Shook Up” by Glenn Altschuler exhibits how Rock ‘n Roll irritated, inspired, and sparked change in American culture. Music has played a critical role in civilization since its creation. As humans have progressed and evolved so has music. There has been a constant transformation in melodic styles, sounds, and the ways people perform. Rock ‘n Roll gets its origins from the early days of jazz, rhythm and blues, folk, country, and pop.…

Bob Dylan's Music Protest Movement

Between 1965 and the 1990s, culture and popular music had been intertwined in the United States. There were postwar promises of prosperity such as jobs, social leveling and of peace. However, this was not at all true and the promises were not kept. During these periods a counter-culture surfaced that reacted against ongoing justices and questioned the United States. One of the prominent keys were musicians who wrote protest songs and delivered their message to the people.…

What Is The Most Conflicting Topics In The Music Industry

One of the most conflicting topics in the music industry is the idea of the death of the album. It is evident that sells of artists' albums are plummeting, but that does not necessarily mean that the album itself is coming to an end. Artists creat albums as "artistic statements, and to build a body of work artists cannot only be proud of, but build tours around" (G.M.). There are also still fans that want a solid object to hold as a memento. It makes them feel like a part of something bigger.…

Music In The 90s Essay

Discussion - Jaelyn & Tyler 90s ----- Through the years there has been a evolution of music. In the 90s it was one of the most indescribable decades of all time. This era consisted of fashion statements, food, culture, and most importantly it was the years of awesome music. The music in the 90s was very smooth and romantic when it came to R&B.…

Related Topics

• United States

Ready To Get Started?

• Create Flashcards
• Mobile apps
•   Facebook
•   Twitter
• Cookie Settings

• Australia edition
• Europe edition
• International edition

Like Love by Maggie Nelson review – music, passion and friendship

Vibrant essays from the author of The Argonauts touch on art, inspiration, and many of the central dilemmas of our times

“A s a child I had so much energy I’d lie awake and feel my organs smolder,” Maggie Nelson wrote in 2005’s Jane: A Murder . She was a dancer before she was a writer and you can feel the commitment to the fire of bodily motion in her masterpieces: the shimmeringly brutal excavation of girlhood and violence in Jane , the story of her aunt’s killing at the hands of a rapist; the clear-headed yet ecstatic celebration of the transformations of pregnancy and top surgery, and the new kind of family she and her trans partner brought into being in The Argonauts (2015). Her dedication to the material finds the forms it needs; I don’t think she sets out to bend genres. Instead, her high-stakes eviscerations of body settle into radically new forms.

Is this the energy of the rebel or the valedictorian? For decades, Nelson has parted her hair, fastened her top button, won the right grades and grants while throwing herself voluptuously into the counterculture, dreaming of being an “ electric ribbon of horniness and divine grace ” like one of her inspirations, Prince . It’s an American energy – expansive, new, full of power, pleasure, change and motion; a frontier energy, even when she’s writing about New York. We can hear Whitman behind her, and Emerson. “Power ceases in the instant of repose,” Emerson pronounces in Self-Reliance ; “it resides in the moment of transition from a past to a new state, in the shooting of a gulf, in the darting to an aim.”

A decade after The Argonauts became the bible of English graduates everywhere, the essays in Like Love arrive to help us understand Nelson’s place in a culture where, to her half-delight, she has become such a powerful voice. Spanning two decades, they range from appreciations of influences including Prince and Judith Butler , to wild, freefalling conversations with figures such as Björk, Wayne Koestenbaum and Jacqueline Rose. There is a passionate, wondering account of her formative half-erotic friendship with the singer Lhasa de Sela . The writing isn’t consistent, any more than her books are. But I like to take my thinkers and writers whole, as she does. The essays offer a kind of composite self-portrait, and illustrate how she thinks, sometimes painstakingly, sometimes with casual jubilance, about some of the central dilemmas of our time.

In the face of the climate crisis, how to avoid “giving in to the narcissistic spectacle of the slo-mo Titanic going down”? In the face of the crisis in feminism, how and whether to move beyond sexual difference? The written exchanges show her interlocutors thinking it through, too. “ You dare to step into the future like no one else atm ,” Björk says. It’s true. This is where all that restless energy is leading. This is why she’s an Emersonian, shying away from nihilism. “There are new lands, new men, new thoughts,” Emerson wrote in Nature , discarding the “dry bones” of his ancestors; “Let us demand our own works and laws and worship.”

In her powerful piece on the artist Carolee Schneemann , Nelson posits her as a female incarnation of Emerson’s self-reliant man. But it’s Nelson herself who proffers new laws and worship – whose project amounts to a practical philosophy of contemporary American culture. In The Argonauts she offers the gift of a future we can somehow share; one that acknowledges the miseries of the present, that has space for dreams, but is obstinately material and in our world. Here, in dialogue with Jacqueline Rose, she proposes that “ Everybody deserves the kind of non-stultifying internal breathing space of fluidity or instability that is attributed to queers, or to women, or whatever.”

Like Love’s title comes from writer and theatre critic Hilton Als ’s vision of a group on the subway not as white women or black men but as mouths that need filling “with something wet or dry, like love, or unfamiliar and savory, like love”. Nelson, too, is drawn to mouths – to orifices in general – as organs of pleasure and pain, and as portals enabling a radical openness.

Because Nelson likes writing about her friends, there’s a kind of homogeneity to much of the book that cumulatively left me feeling a little claustrophobic, longing especially for the roominess of time travel. With the exception of 2009’s Bluets , Nelson’s writing is so located in the postwar world that the past can feel entirely absent. This is her affinity with Emerson and Whitman again – her song to the future – but I wonder if I’m alone in wishing that, alongside those two often acknowledged ancestors, her future could have artists, activists and libertines from earlier centuries informing it, too.

Which is not to say that she’s wrong to write about the people in her circle. The brutality of the present moment may require us precisely to batten down the hatches and commit to extreme solidarity. At a time when institutional life is collapsing, when the pandemic privileged family over friends, when work expands in ways that leave many too exhausted to socialise, Nelson demonstrates what it means to dedicate yourself to a cohort with seriousness and strenuousness. “You, to me, quickly became an inspiration,” she tells the poet Brian Blanchfield , “a brother, a support in times of seriously dark waters, an editor, a lender of excellent and pivotal books, a cheerleader, a colleague, a couch sleeper (and couch mover), a fellow swimmer … a corrupting gambler, (queer) family.” Like Love may be one of the most movingly specific, the most lovingly unruly celebrations of the ethics of friendship we have.

after newsletter promotion

• Book of the day
• Society books

Most viewed

Supreme Court sides with music producer in copyright case over sample in Flo Rida hit

The Supreme Court has sided with a music producer in a copyright case, allowing him to seek more than a decade’s worth of damages over a sample used in a Flo Rida song

WASHINGTON — The Supreme Court sided with a music producer in a copyright case Thursday, allowing him to seek more than a decade’s worth of damages over a sample used in a hit Flo Rida song.

The 6-3 decision came in a case filed by Sherman Nealy, who was suing over music used in the 2008 song “In the Ayer,” by the rapper Flo Rida. It also was featured on TV shows like “So You Think You Can Dance.”

Nealy says he didn’t find out his former collaborator had inked a deal with a record company that allowed the sampling of the song “Jam the Box” until 2016. He sued two years later for damages going back to the song’s release.

Copyright law says suits must be filed within three years of the violation, or the point when it’s discovered. The record company, Warner Chappell, argued that means Nealy would only be entitled to three years’ worth of royalties at most.

The question of how far back damages can go has split appeals courts, and it’s one that industry groups like the Recording Industry Association of America called on the Supreme Court to decide.

The opinion handed down Thursday was written by Justice Elena Kagan, and joined by her liberal colleagues Sonia Sotomayor and Ketanji Brown Jackson as well as conservative justices John Roberts, Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett.

“There is no time limit on monetary recovery. So a copyright owner possessing a timely claim is entitled to damages for infringement, no matter when the infringement occurred,” Kagan wrote.

An attorney for Nealy, Wes Earnhardt, said the opinion gives clarity on an important issue.

Three conservative justices dissented. Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote that the majority sidestepped the important question: Whether Nealy’s claim was valid to begin with, or whether copyright holders should have to show some kind of fraud in order to sue over older violations. The dissenters said the suit should have been dismissed.

• Share full article

Advertisement

Supported by

Guest Essay

Trump Knows Dominance Wins. Someone Tell Democrats.

By M. Steven Fish

Mr. Fish is the author of “Comeback: Routing Trumpism, Reclaiming the Nation, and Restoring Democracy’s Edge.”

Donald Trump once called Bill Barr, his former attorney general, “Weak, Slow Moving, Lethargic, Gutless, and Lazy.” When Mr. Barr recently endorsed Mr. Trump, rather than express gratitude or graciousness, the former president said , “Based on the fact that I greatly appreciate his wholehearted Endorsement, I am removing the word ‘Lethargic’ from my statement. Thank you Bill. MAGA2024!”

This is the sort of thing Mr. Trump is known for, even with people who came around and bent the knee . It is a critical part of his politics — and it’s an area that pollsters aren’t fully measuring and Democratic strategists rarely take into consideration.

Politics is a dominance competition, and Mr. Trump is an avid and ruthless practitioner of it . He offers a striking contrast with most Democrats, who are more likely to fret over focus-group data and issue ever more solemn pledges to control prescription drug prices .

What these Democrats seem to have forgotten is that they have their own liberal tradition of dominance politics — and if they embrace it, they would improve their chances of defeating Trumpism. But unlike Mr. Trump, whose lies and conduct after the 2020 election were damaging to democracy, leaders like Franklin Roosevelt, John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson and the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. exerted dominance in liberal ways and to prodemocratic ends. They obeyed the law, told the truth, and honored liberal values.

Psychologists have noted the effectiveness of dominance in elections and governing . My recent research also finds that what I call Mr. Trump’s “high-dominance strategy” is far and away his most formidable asset.

High-dominance leaders shape reality. They embrace conflict, chafe at playing defense and exhibit self-assurance even in pursuit of unpopular goals . By contrast, low-dominance leaders accept reality as it is and shun conflict. They tell people what they think they want to hear and prefer mollification to confrontation.

Today’s Republicans are all about dominance. They embrace us-versus-them framing, double down on controversial statements and take risks . Today’s Democrats often recoil from “othering” opponents and back down after ruffling feathers . They have grown obsessively risk-averse , poll-driven , allergic to engaging on hot-button issues (except perhaps abortion) — and more than a little boring.

Polling even dictates whether Democrats proclaim their own good news. Republicans never quit crowing about the economy on their watch. Democrats tend to fear doing so unless surveys show that everyone is already feeling the benefits. So in defiance of much of the evidence , voters think Mr. Trump’s economy was better than Barack Obama’s and Mr. Biden’s.

Politicians’ language reflects their dominance orientations. Mr. Trump uses entertaining and provocative parlance and calls opponents — and even allies — weak , gutless and pathetic . Still, neuroscientists monitoring listeners’ brain activity while they watched televised debates found that audiences — not just Mr. Trump’s followers — delighted in the belittling nicknames he uses for his opponents. His boldness and provocations held audience attention at a much higher level than his opponents’ play-it-safe recitations of their policy stances and résumés.

Mr. Trump is also often crude and regularly injects falsehoods into his comments. But these are not in and of themselves signs of dominance; it’s just that the Democrats’ inability to effectively respond makes them appear weak by comparison.

For their own part, Democrats typically refrain from transgressive language and often present themselves as vulnerable and menaced . When Kamala Harris was asked in January if she was scared of a second Trump term, she said , “I am scared as heck!” and added that “we should all be scared.”

To voters, that fear smells like weakness. In a 2022 CBS News survey on parties’ traits, the most frequently cited description of the Democratic Party was “weak.” In a recent Gallup poll , 38 percent regarded Mr. Biden as “a strong and decisive leader,” compared with 57 percent for Mr. Trump.

A reputation for weakness may be a singularly damaging liability. In a 2016 exit poll , more than twice as many voters said they wanted a “strong leader” than one who “shares my values” or “cares about people like me.” In another poll, Mr. Trump was regarded as the “ stronger leader .”

The American National Elections Studies has polled voters on presidential candidates’ traits since the 1980s, and the candidate who rated higher on “strong leadership” has never lost. The one who more people agree “really cares about people like you” loses about half the time.

High-dominance messaging necessitates unfailingly asserting your side’s moral superiority. But the psychologists John Jost and Orsolya Hunyady find that liberals feel compelled to give equal credence to conservative intuitions. They struggle to adopt the us-versus-them framing that is crucial to rousing supporters and confronting opponents who decidedly do not honor the legitimacy of liberals’ opinions — or even necessarily the results of free elections. Psychologists have also shown that Democrats are conflicted about the appropriate use of aggression.

Such crippling qualms are recent problems. Roosevelt, Kennedy, Johnson and King owned the Republicans. Their high-dominance styles enabled the creation of every progressive program their low-dominance successors are struggling to salvage today.

On the eve of his first re-election, Roosevelt thundered : “I should like to have it said of my first administration that in it the forces of selfishness and of lust for power met their match. I should like to have it said of my second administration that in it these forces met their master.” Kennedy hammered home that the Republicans’ limp social welfare policies and tepid approach to civil rights failed to show the world what America was made of , and he never hesitated to aggressively trumpet triumphs .

Johnson mixed bigot-busting rhetoric with ferocious arm-twisting to muscle voting rights , colorblind immigration policy and Medicare into law. He did enjoy Democratic congressional majorities, but he also faced the necessity of bringing around the segregationist wing of his party, and his high-dominance style was key to his legislative victories.

Few were less solicitous of prevailing opinion than King. With reference to the 1964 Republican presidential nominee, Barry Goldwater, King said that he could “go halfway with Brother Goldwater” on the idea that legislation couldn’t solve racism. With tongue planted firmly in cheek, he then smoothly eviscerated Goldwater’s stance: “It may be true that the law can’t make a man love me, but it can restrain him from lynching me.” King’s reference to “Brother Goldwater,” who opposed all manner of civil rights legislation, bore no hint of sarcasm. But he also knew that he was owning his opponent by wielding what he always called “the weapon of love” and using language that expressed self-assurance and faith in the nation to establish moral superiority.

There are contemporary Democrats with a high-dominance style. Gov. Andy Beshear of Kentucky stands up for trans and abortion rights , proclaimed June Pride Month in the state, and chided the unvaccinated during the pandemic. When a Republican lawmaker displayed a photo of Mr. Beshear with drag queens at a gay rights rally and accused him of corrupting kids, the governor shot back that the participants “are as much Kentuckians as anybody else.”

The Republican tucked his tail between his legs, whimpering: “My problem is not with the gay movement. I didn’t say anything about the ‘Pride Celebration.’” Mr. Beshear won re-election by five points in a state Mr. Trump carried by 26 points in 2020.

Mr. Biden’s Republican-owning 2024 State of the Union address and the briny language he uses to describe Mr. Trump in private delighted the Democrats — and won rare kudos from Republican strategists. But these are just flashes of dominance — and flashes aren’t nearly enough.

A dominance advantage is no guarantee of victory, as Mr. Trump’s 2020 loss to Mr. Biden showed. What’s more, Mr. Trump may sometimes pay a price for his extreme dominance style, whether it’s by turning off some voters or incurring the wrath of impatient judges in his seemingly endless court cases.

Still, Mr. Trump’s high-dominance style remains the most formidable tool in his arsenal. Taking on Mr. Trump’s party in its area of greatest strength would leave it beatable in national elections.

Mr. Biden could even counter the perception that his age has rendered him feeble by taking a page from his higher-dominance predecessors, the mighty leaders who mobilized dominance to promote freedom, equality and progress.

M. Steven Fish, a political scientist at the University of California, Berkeley, is the author of “Comeback: Routing Trumpism, Reclaiming the Nation, and Restoring Democracy’s Edge.”

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here’s our email: [email protected] .

Follow the New York Times Opinion section on Facebook , Instagram , TikTok , WhatsApp , X and Threads .